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Post by denney on Aug 1, 2006 21:48:03 GMT -5
Page 201 GODFREY'S STORY. " While we were at Birch Coolie Little Crow was at the Big Woods. He got back to Rice Creek two days after we did. We went from Rice Creek to Yellow Medicine; staid there about two weeks. While there ten or twenty started every day to see if soldiers were coming. When they reported that soldiers were on the way, we moved our camp to where Mr. Riggs lived; then up to Red Iron's village; then to a little way from where the friendly camp was. After the scouts reported that soldiers had crossed the Red-Wood, Little Crow made a speech, and said that all must fight; that it would be the last fight, and they all must do the best they could. Scouts reported about midnight that soldiers were camped at Rice Creek. In the morning we all started down to Yellow Medicine; got there a little before sundown. Some were there earlier. We staid at Yellow Medicine all night. Some wanted to begin the attack in the night, but others thought'twas best to wait till morning. In the morning the fight began. After the fight, went back to the old camp at Camp Release. Little Crow tried to get all to go with him, but they would not. Little Crow started away in the night. I didn't see him go. I never was out at any of the war parties except once at New Ulm (the last fight), once at the fort, at Birch Coolie, and Wood Lake. They thought that the Winnebagoes would commence at Mankato and attack the lower settlements." I 2 201
Page 202 202 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. CHAPTER XIV. CAPTIVITY OF THE FAMILY OF JOSEPH R. BROWN. MAJOR JOSEPH R. BROWN'S wife and children were among the captives at Camp Release. They suffered very little ill treatment, for the reason that they were related to the Sissetons, and had powerful friends among them. They lived in a very fine stone house, elegantly furnished, a few miles below the Yellow Medicine Agency, on the opposite side of the river, which was afterward destroyed by the savages. Samuel Brown, one of the sons, a remarkably intelligent boy of about fifteen years of age, narrated to the writer the following particulars connected with the affair: "On Monday, the 18th day of August, I went to Yellow Medicine with my sister Ellen upon an errand. We met on the way an Indian named Little Dog, who told us that the Indians had killed a family at Beaver Creek, and were going to kill the whites as far as St. Paul, and that we must not tell any one about it, or they would kill us. He said he warned us at the risk of his own life. - This was about noon. Soon after our arrival at Yellow Medicine, an old squaw told us that we had better be getting away, as there would soon be trouble. We asked many of the other Indians aboult it, but they said they had heard of nothing of the kind. Another squaw afterward told us that she thought it must be the Yanktonais who were coming down to take the agency. We left 'I
Page 203 CAPTIVITY OF JOSEPH R. BROWN S FAMILY. 203 there about half past three o'clock. George Gleason had just left with Mrs. Wakefield and her children for below. When we reached home we told mother what we had heard. She was very much scared, and didn't sleep any that night. About four o'clock next morning I heard some one outside calling in a loud voice a number of times for my mother, and then I heard Charles Blair, my brother-in-law (a white man), ask what was the matter, and the man, who was a half-breed named Royer, saidthat four hundred Yanktonais had arrived at the Upper Agency, and were killing every body. We then became very much alarmed, and had our oxen yoked at once to the wagofi, put every thing in it we could, and started for Fort Ridgely. We had all the neighbors warned, and they went with us. They had three wagons with oxteams. Four or five white men overtook us on the way, among them Garvie's cook. (Garvie was the trader wounded at the agency, who died at Hutchinson.) "When we had gone about five miles we saw some men two miles ahead, near the bank of the river, but supposed they were farmers. The Yanktonais, whom we were afraid of, lived above ulS. We thought nothing more about the men until we saw an Indian on a hill ahead of us. Hie beckoned to others, and before we knew it we were surrounded. De-wa-nea, of Crow's band, and Cut-nose, and Shakopee, three of the worst among the Lower Indians, came to us first. We were in the head wagon. Mother told them who we were; and they said we must follow them, and that we were all as good as dead. De-wa-nea said that the whites had taken him prisoner a good many times,
Page 204 204 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. /1 ( /j;/1 ~~~ ~ C,UT-l and that it was now his turn. He wanted the rest of the Indians to kill us all. "There was an Indian in the party, John Moore's brother-in-law, who took our part, and he and his friends saved us from the others. This Indian had once come to our house when he was freezing, and my mother took him in and warmed him. He told the other Indians that he remembered this, and that we should live. They insisted that my brother Angus should shoot one of the white men, but he refused to do so. Each of the Indians had one of the white r
Page 205 CAPTIVITY OF JOSEPI R. BROWN'S FAMILY. 205 men picked out to shoot as they came up. My mother said they were poor men, and it would do no good to kill them. John Moore's brother-in-law said they should live if she wanted them to. The Indians made a great fuss about it, and said she ought to be satisfied with what she had got, but afterward consented, and told the men to start off. The women staid with us. After the men had got off a little, Leopold Wohler, who had a lime-kiln at the agency, came back to the wagon after his boots, and an Indian told him if he didn't go away he would kill him. IHe started off with one boot, and came back again after the other, and the Indian drove him away again with the same threat. IHe went a short distance, and returned a third time to kiss his wife. The Indians then became very much enraged, and acted so fiercely that he was glad to escape without farther difficulty. "There were ten Indians close to us, and twenty-five or thirty near, running into the houses. They made Angus and Charles Blair, who were riding horses, dismount and give them up. De-wa-nea put on my sister's bonnet, and began singing a war song. He was very merry. iHe said the Indians were now going to have a good time, and if they got killed it was all right; that the whites wanted to kill them off, and were delaying the payment in order to do it by starvation, and that he preferred to be shot. We saw three men and a woman on the road terribly hacked up. This party had committed the murders. The men had been mowing together; their scythes and pitchforks lay near. Cut-nose showed us his thumb, from which a piece had been bitten near the nail, and he said it was done by one of these men while he was
Page 206 206 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. working the knife around in his breast; that he was very hard to kill, and he thought he would never die. "Cut-nose afterward went to a wagon, and told a Scotch girl who was in it that he wanted her for his wife, and to get out and follow him. She refused, and then he drew his knife and flourished it over her, and she got out and went away with him. That was the last I saw of him until we got to carop. He was called Cut-nose because one of his nostrils had been bitten out. This was done by Other Day in a quarrel. "When we got to the camp of the Rice-Creek Indians, four miles above the Red-Wood River, they told us that the Agency Indians had sent word for all to come dowh there, and that those who did not come would be taken care of by the'Soldiers' Lodge.' They were then about starting, and an Indian made Angus and myself hitch up a mule-team which he said he had taken from Marsh's men the day before. He said they had just heard a cannon at the fort, and they wanted to go down and whip the whites there. This was about noon. We then went down to John Moore's house (this was where Other Day's horse was stolen), and they put us up stairs, where they had two or three women, captives. We were there about an hour, when three Indians told us to come up to their camp on the hill, where we were to stop with John Moore's mother or grandmother. We followed them, and when we got half way up suddenly missed them. We supposed they hid from us, and we wandered on. We met a German woman who had seven or eight children with her, all under eight years of age-two on her back, orre under each arm, and two following behind. They came along with us. We went to I
Page 207 CAPTIVITY OF JOSEPH R. BROWN'S FAMILY. 207 Moore's relative, but she said she knew nothing about us, and couldn't take us, and that we had better go down to Crow's village. We started, not knowing where to go, when a squaw, who was crying about the troubles, met us, and took us home with her. The Indians sent our team back to the camp. They gave Angus and I blankets and moccasins, and we put them on and went down to see Little Crow. He told us to bring our folks down there, and no one should hurt us. This was Tuesday evening about seven o'clock. He was in his own house, and the camp was pitched around it. We went back and brought our folks down. Crow put us up in the top room of the house, and gave us buffalo robes and every thing to make us comfortable. He brought us a candle as soon as it was dark; he was very kind to us; he said he would take as good care of us as he could, but that he didn't believe he could keep Charley Blair alive until morning. He gave him a breechclout and leggins, which he put on. "During the night an Indian or a half-breed came in the room down stairs where Crow was, and told him that we ought to be killed. We overheard what they said. The man was very ugly, and said no prisoners ought to be taken, and that we were related to the Sissetons, and had no claim on the Lower Indians, and there was no reason why we should be spared. He said he wanted Crow to call a council about it immediately. Crow told him that he saved us because we were his friends, and that he would protect us; that it was too late to hold a council that night, and he compelled him to leave. "He gave us plenty to eat, and came up several
Page 208 208 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. times during the night to see how we were getting along. We begged him to let Charley Blair go. He said he couldn't; that the Indians knew he was there, and would kill him (Crow) if he allowed it. We coaxed him for a couple of hours, when he consented, and brought an Indian who took Charley down to the river and left him in the brush. He made his escape from there to the fort. Crow told us not to say any thing about it, for the Indians would kill him, and that he did it because he had known our folks and Charley so long. He said the young men started the massacre, and he couldn't stop them. A week after that, Akipa, an Upper Indian, came down from the Yellow-Medlcine Agency and took us up with him. From that time until our deliverance we remained with our relatives, and were well treated by them."
Page 209 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. CHAPTER XV. MRS. HIIUGGINS'S STORY. AMONG the captives who were brought in several days after our arrival at Camp Release was Mrs. Sophia Josephine Huggins, the wife of the estimable missionary who was killed at Lac qui Parle. She has published the following narrative of her adventures. It is interesting for the minuteness of the details of her captivity: "The 19th day of August, 1862, dawned on me full of hope and happiness. It was the twenty-fourth anniversary of my birth. But before its close it proved to be the saddest day of my life. News of the war which broke out at the Lower Agency on the 18th did not reach Lac qui Parle until the next day. Then it came with fearful suddenness and fearful reality. "On the afternoon of that day three men from Red Iron's village came in, each carrying a gun. They were quite friendly and talkative, seeming very much interested in the sewing-machine Julia was using, and asked a great many questions about it. About four o'clock Amos came home from the field. Then the men went out; and soon after we heard the report of two guns. The Indians rushed in, looking so wild and frightened that my first thought was that the Chippeways were upon them. They said to us,'Go out, go out; you shall live - but go out. Take 209
Page 210 210 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. nothing with you.' When I went out, the oxen my husband had been driving were standing at the side of the house, and near them was Julia on her knees, bending over the motionless body. She looked up and said,' Oh Josephine, Josephine!' What an ocean of grief rolled over me. - X * * X "We were driven away, Julia and I. We ran over to De Cota's. Julia went first, carrying Letta. I staid behind until I saw they were really going to shoot me. Then, after hastily spreading a lounge cover that I had been sewing on, and had carried out with me, over the lifeless form of my dear one, I fled with Charlie in my arms. When I reached De Cota's, he and his wife were starting back with Julia. I wanted to go with them, but they thought it would not be safe. I knew Julia would see that every thing which it was possible to do should be done, so I yielded to their judgment. "Mr. De Cota came home shortly. I asked him if he could not take us to the Yellow Medicine. He said that we would be killed on the road. I then suggested that he should take us across the river, and go across the country to the white settlements. He answered that perhaps he would start to the Red River the next day. "When Julia returned, she told me that Walking Spirit and others had buried Amos. The old chief was full of sorrow, and said that if he had been there they should have killed him before they could have killed Mr. Hiuggins. "Our house was full of plunderers. Indians from the Lac qui Parle villages were there as well as the e
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Post by denney on Aug 1, 2006 21:49:07 GMT -5
Page 211 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. murderers. Julia went in, and was able to get a few things, which afterward proved valuable to me. "It was thought we would be safer at Walking Spirit's than at De Cota's, so we went over in the evening. Mrs. De Cota intended to go-with us, but her husband prevented it, probably thinking he would not be safe if she left him. She sent her brother, Blue Lightning, with us. HIe did not offer to carry either of the children. "We had not gone far before Ke-yoo-kan-pe came up to us, and, taking Charlie out of my arms, carried him until we reached the village. As we passed through it, a great many women came out to shake hands with me. Some of them laid their hands on their mouths and groaned. The men paid no attention to me. When we reached the chief's house he received us kindly, shaking hands with me and with the children. iHis wife hurried to spread a buffalo robe at the farther end of the room for us to sit on. All the time that I was with Walking Spirit my seat was, whether in a tent or in a house, at the end farthest from the door the most honorable place. We slept on the robe, but were furnished with pillows by the chief's wife, one of which I recognized as having been mine. She gave me several other articles which had been mine. "There was a great deal of noise in the village during the night-loud talking, singing, and yelling; but the children slept soundly, not realizing what had befallen them, nor the dangers before them. Men went and came through the whole night long to talk to the chief. "The next morning we had beef for breakfast 211
Page 212 212 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. which had been killed at our house the evening before. They gave me, as they always did, bountifully of the best they had. "In the afternoon Mr. John Longee invited us over to his house across the river, thinking we would be safer there than in the Indian village. Walking Spirit told us to do as we thought best, and we finally concluded to go. One woman packed Letta all the way; another packed Charlie as far as Lame Bear's village. As we passed through it I saw a great deal of fresh beef hanging up to dry. My husband's writing desk was there; also many of our chairs. I saw Indian children dressed in my children's clothes. I could hardly bear these reminders of the home which had been so cruelly torn from me. I did not, however, see any Indians that I knew except'Old Fuss.' He shook hands with me, and made a speech, of which I understood nothing but Amos's name. "We staid at Longee's until Friday, and had a quiet, lonely time. We saw no Indians while there except the woman who packed Letta over. She staid with us all the time. Julia and I were in constant alarm. Longee and a Frenchman always slept with their guns beside them, in readiness for use, or staid outside watching. Thursday, Mr. Longee went over to the village, and brought back dreadful accounts of the war below. It was reported that the missionaries and the whites at both agencies were killed. Oh what a day that was- full of grief, anxiety, and surprise. Julia had saved two pocket Bibles from the hands of the plunderers. One of them was my husband's. How precious it was to me! Precious for the sake of him who had once pondered its sacred pages, as
Page 213 MRS. IIUGGINS'S STORY. well as for the blessed teachings and glorious promises it contained. "In the evening Julia's brother came up from below, dressed like an Indian.'He said that he had come for her, and that if she put on the Indian dress, and staid with him, she would be safe, but that it would not be prudent for me to accompany them. Mr. De Cota was there, and invited me to live in his family. It was decided that I should do so. "A white man, who had escaped from Big Stone Lake, came in that night. Mr. Longee gave him a pair of moccasins and some food. Every one advised the Frenchman to go with him, but he refused to do so. After a few weeks he went with Mr. LoT)gee to Red River. "Friday morning Julia left me. She had been my comforter, my adviser, my help in all my troubles. Now I was left alone. I realized more than ever my need of strength and fortitude, and prayed that I might be prepared for whatever I might be called to pass through. "After Julia had gone, Mr. Longee and I started to Walking Spirit's village. We went on horseback, carrying the children. How I suffered with fear as we trotted along through the woods. It seemed as if every tree hid some skulking foe, ready to spring out and murder us. When we reached Lame Bear's village, Longee thought it best not to go any farther, as there were a good many men about, and we should be noticed on horseback. After finding an Indian woman to go with me and pack Letta, he bade me good-by. I carried Charlie in my arms, and as I had eaten nothing that day, I felt faint and sick. As we were pass 213
Page 214 214 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. ing through the village a woman called after me. I looked around, and then went on. She ran after me, and finally made me understand that she wished me to go to her house and eat. I told her as well as I could that I was going to Walking Spirit's, and would eat there. She seemed satisfied and went back. Presently another woman hailed me. When she camine up she took Charlie and put him on her back, motioning me to follow, which I did as well as I could. When we came to the strip of woods that lies between the two villages, the women were afraid of something, I don't know what. They told me to go before; so I led the way, trembling with fear. When I reached De Cota's, Mrs. De Cota, who was standing outside of the tent, motioned me to go to the ehief's house. What did it mean? Did they not invite me there? Mr. De Cota was sitting near by, but as he did not look at me, I passed on without speaking. I felt so hurt -so much disappointed! What should I do if I received as cold a reception at Walking Spirit's? How thankful I was when I went in and met a kind welcome from the chief's wife. Here I found food and water for myself and children. I was so tired, so sad, that I did not try to speak or ask for any thing; but she seemed to understand how I felt, and kindly, even tenderly supplied my wants. "Walking Spirit was not at home, and did not come home until several days afterward. When he came and saw me, his cheery' Ho-ho-ho,' as he held out his hand to me, sounded very pleasantly. Then he talked to me very kindly, I know, though I could not understand much of what he said. I understood that he told me to stay there in his house, and that when he
Page 215 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. could he would take me to my friends below. My poor, weary, anxious heart felt comforted. This old man was my friend and protector. I could here find something like rest and security. "For the next six weeks I found a home in Walking Spirit's family. True, I was a captive in an enemy's country, longing for deliverance -subject to many inconveniences, many hardships; but the chief and his wife were kind to me, and made my life as light as possible. Here my husband's Bible was my constant companion. "Walking Spirit's family consisted of himself and wife, and his wife's mother, and one son, Na-ho-tonma-ne, a boy fourteen or fifteen years old. These, with myself and children, made a family of seven. Besides, the chief had children and grandchildren in the village, who were in to see us so often as to form a part of the same family. We had also many other visitors. If they spoke to me at all, it was with kindness and respect. They frequently said,' The white woman feels sad; I want to shake hands with her.' "I soon learned to adopt myself to the life and circumstances about me, and make one in the society in which I lived. I always tried to be cheerful and pleasant to others, and in so doing found enjoyment and even happiness myself. I assisted the chief's wife in sewing, cooking, and bringing water from the brook. I was seldom asked to do any thing, but did what I chose to do. "The chief and his wife never seemed displeased with me but once. Then I had gone over to Sacred Nest's, and had staid nearly all day. When I went back the chief said that I did not do right to go away . 215
Page 216 216 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. and stay so long-that it was good for me to stay in his house. His wife remarked that the Sissetonwans would come down, and they might kill me if I did not stay there. After that I did not go to the neighbors' tepees unless I was sent for to eat, and then I did not stay long. "The children, who were not afraid of any one, were petted and caressed. Letta was taught to call the chief grandfather, and his wife grandmother. The chief's son she called uncle. 'One day, a few weeks after I went there, the chief's wife's brothers came in, bringing a Frenchman, who spoke some English, for interpreter, and asked me if I would not give him one of my children. Hie said he lived up north; that he had no children; and if I would give him one of mine, he would keep it as his own child. I saw that the man was really in earnest, and I answered very decidedly,' No; I can not give either of them to any one.' After waiting a few minutes, I said,' What is he going to do about it -what does he say?' The Frenchman replied,' iHe will not take them if you do not give them to him.' The chief was in, and I thought perhaps this was his answer instead of the other man's. "They talked some time with the chief, but did not say any thing more to me. Afterward the old woman seemed displeased about it. She said,'I thought you would have given Letta to him, but you did not.' She had often before asked me something about Letta which I did not understand. I now know that she had wanted me to give her to her son. She never forgave this offense, but often reminded me of it. She had loved both the children very much before
Page 217 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. this, but now she treated them with great indifference, and sometimes was quite cross to them. I did not pay any attention to this, and so we had no quarrels. But I was very much afraid my children would be stolen. I was afraid to leave them with the old woman when I went for water, as I had often done before. I was afraid to see them packed around by the Indian women, as they often were; and at night, I was afraid they would be taken from me while I slept. "Indian living did not agree with Charlie. It was not long before he became quite unwell, and he did not regain his health during our stay with the In dians. For many days together we had no bread. We lived mostly on corn and potatoes, of which we had plenty. Sometimes we had beef and sometimes dog meat. Once in a while we had coffee and sugar. When our neighbors had something better than we had, they often sent some to me, or, more frequently, sent me to go and eat with them. "One night, at bedtime, some one came for me to go out and eat. I was not hungry, but never refused to go when sent for. Walking Spirit was invited, and went also. We had a good supper. There was a piece of nice carpet spread for me to sit on, and a white towel to put my plate on. I had one of my plates that I used to have to eat on, and one of my sauce-plates to drink out of. We had potatoes, rice, dried apples, and cold water for supper. The chief carried home the remains of his supper to his wife, but I always left what I and my children could not eat. "Sometimes, when I thought of the dirty dishes my food was on, the dirty kettles it was cooked in, K 217
Page 218 218 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. and the dirty hands that prepared it, my stomach rebelled. But I tried to keep away such troublesome thoughts, and make the best of what I had. "When I first went to Walking Spirit's, I was perplexed to know what to wash in. They had neither wash-basin nor tub. Seeing my difficulty, the chief's wife went to one of the neighbors and brought home the half of a powder-keg, which she gave me. This I found a great convenience as long as I staid there. When I wanted to wash my children's clothes, I cleaned out and used an old iron heater that was used as a dog's dish. Sometimes I had soap and sometimes I had none. Once or twice the chief's wife borrowed a tub and washboard for me from the Frenchman's wife that lived in the village. The washboard was one that had been mine. I was thankful to get clean clothes for myself and children, though they were unironed. "The Indian dress that De Cota had promised me I never got. I wore my own clothes all the time. There were a good many articles of clothing given to me while I was in the village, most of those things that had been plundered from our house. I never asked for any thing, though I frequently saw some of my things that I and my children really needed worn by the Indian women and their children. Sometimes I saw Indian men wearing articles of clothing that had belonged to Mr. Huggins. "Sacred Nest and wife were out on a buffalo hunt when I went to the village, and did not come home for a week or two afterward. When they came to see me I felt that I had met with loving, sympathizing friends. They sat down and wept with me. Letta was overjoyed at seeing again her Indian mother, as
Page 219 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. she called Sacred Nest's wife. She took her in her arms and stroked her, and said,'Poor thing-poor thing!' Sacred Nest said to me,'It is hard, very hard!' And then he said,'God is good, though all men are bad. With Him it is light, though all was dark here.' The same day they sent for us to eat with them. When we came away they gave Letta as much buffalo meat as she could carry home. " Sabbath days in our village were very much like other days. I tried to keep the time and remember the Sabbath, but I found afterward that I had got one day behind the time. I do not know how many Mondays I kept for Sunday. "One day the chief's wife called me out to see something. On the road, coming down from the north, was a great company of Indians. The women of the village gathered around me, and told me I must stay in the house very closely while they were going past-that I must not let them see me. I went into the house, but presently the chief's wife came and hurried me into the tent that stood by, and told me to be very quiet-that I must not let the children cry or even talk loud. The Northerners were coming right to the village. I could see a great many warriors on horseback, a great many carts, and a great many people on foot. It looked to me like a very great multitude. I almost smothered the children trying to keep thenm quiet, for they would talk and cry to go out. At last I frightened them into something like quietude by telling them that there were wicked men out there who would hurt them. "On, on came the host, right past where we were, and then stopped a little distance off. The children 219
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Page 220 220 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. were frightened into silence by the noise they made. I could look out of a hole in the tent and see almost as well as if I had been on the outside. There were very few women among them-I think not more than one woman to six men. There was great excitement in the village; men, women, and children were running about as if they did not know what to do. Many of them were preparing and carrying food to our formidable visitors. I think the Indians were frightened as well as myself. The warriors galloped about as if to show themselves, frequently firing off guns. Then I heard one chief's voice sounding loud above all others. I could see him. Hie was holding his head high, walking slowly back and forth, making a speech. I wondered what he was talking about, but I understood nothing. Before noon they Were gone, and our village was again quiet. "A day or two after the Northerners had gone down, all the men in the village went away-Walking Spirit on his old horse, Na-ho-ton-ma-ne on his colt, and Mrs. Walking Spirit on foot, packing food, followed the rest. For three days and two nights the old woman and I were left alone. This was before I had offended her, and she was very kind to me and my children. I suffered terribly from fear-from morning till night and from night till morning I was afraid-but nothing came to disturb us. "Between one and two weeks after the Northerners went down, some of these passed up north, and stopped at our village. I was not taken to the tent this time. Walking Spirit told me they were coming to his house to eat after a while, but that I need not be afraid; he would not let any one hurt me. An
Page 221 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. hour or two afterward he came in and said,'They are coming now; they will sit here, and here, and here; they will fill up the house; you must come and sit here behind me.' His place was near the door, on the right-hand side. He kept two guns by him, and told me several times that I need not be afraid; if any one tried to harm me, he would shoot him. "So the children and I got in behind himy and awaited the coming of the guests. It was as the chief said it would be; the men filled the house; some of them were Walking Spirit's soldiers; the rest were Northerners. The women carried food to the door, but did not come in. The dinner consisted of fried bread and coffee. Walking Spirit, and several others that sat near, gave the children bread, and let them drink out of their cups of coffee. There were several speeches made, but I did not understand what they talked about. The Northerners went away first. After they were gone, the chief turned to me and said,' These are all my soldiers.' Perhaps he intended to let me know that the danger was past. After talking a little while the men all left, and things went on as usual. "One day, when we were all out braiding corn, some one brought a letter to the chief. As he could not read it himself, he handed it to me to look at. It was a nice-looking letter, written in Dakota, directed to Walking Spirit. When I told him I could not read it, he said he would take it to Sacred Nest; he would read it to him. I waited anxiously to hear the news from this letter, hoping that it might bring some word to me from friends below. "When the chief came back, he said that Good 221
Page 222 222 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. Day, a man who lived at the Yellow Medicine, had written the letter. Then he said to me,'That letter made me very angry. IHe wants you to go and live with him.' Presently he said,' Do you want to go?' I said I did not know, and asked him if Good Day was a good man. Hie said,'No, he is a bad man.' Seeing that I still thought about it, and did not understand all he said, he went and brought the Frenchman to tell me in English. IHe said,' Good Day wanted to buy me for a wife; that he already had a wife; and the chief was very angry at Good Day because he had thought of such a thing.' Then the old chief showed me how he had thrown the letter in the fire, because he was so very angry. "One day, when the old woman and I were alone in the house, she started out, saying that she would soon be back; that I must stay in the house, for there was a bad man in the village who would kill me. This is what I understood her to say, but I did not understand her fully. Very soon afterward the blanket door of the house was thrown up, and there came in a young man with a drawn sword in his hand. HIe looked very fierce, and his face was painted most frightfully. One of the neighbor's children followed him in, and looked at him and then at me with a look of terror; then he ran out. "Walking Spirit was in another part of the village, and the little boy ran as fast as he could, and told him that there was an angry man in his house going to kill the white woman. I supposed this to be the man the old woman had told me of, and that he had come on purpose to kill me. I wonder now at the presence of mind I felt then. I made a great effort to show
Page 223 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. no fear, no surprise. I looked up at him once, and then bent my face again over my sewing, though I trembled so violently that it was with difficulty I held my needle. "After looking at me a moment without speaking, he went away. I drew a long breath then, and thought,' He is gone, and I and my children are saved alive.' A moment after and the chief came running. He sprang in at the door, puffing and panting, with his hair all blown over his face. I looked up and smiled, saying,' You frighten me, coming up in such a hurry.'' You frighten me,' he replied, as he sat down to rest;'I was afraid you would be killed before I got here.' "The women came in presently and told us all about the angry man. He did not want to kill me, but his wife, who had run away from him. He had come into the chief's house in search of her. He found her soon afterward, but did not kill her; he only cut up her pack with his sword. "I met with several such frights as this, but always passed through unharmed. When there were strangers about I was frequently hid in the tent that stood by the house. I never tried to hide unless I was told to do so, and then I remained in my hiding-place until they told me the danger was past. "Several days before we started north they told me that the Indians were all going north-that Julia, and her brothers, and the white prisoners below were all going. They told me of a great many white soldiers that were down below somewhere. They said that Mr. Riggs and Dr. Williamson were among them. I did not understand the half of what they told me. 223
Page 224 224 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. I could only conjecture, and wish, and wonder. Walking Spirit told me several times that if Mr. Riggs and Dr. Williamson sent for him, he would take me and the children in a wagon and go. I thought I could not do better than to wait patiently until the time of my deliverance came. "The whole village was now preparing for their journey, gathering and burying corn and potatoes, pounding corn off the cob to take with them, and bundling up their goods. Some kept their wagons partly loaded all the time. Every one was in a hurry, and I helped all I could. The chief's wife and I, with some assistance from her mother and the chief himself, pounded corn until we had filled five sacks, for our provisions by the way. We had as many sacks of potatoes, but no meat or flour. "The women seemed to regret very much leaving home, and said they were going to a bad country, where they would have no wood, and very little to eat. At last word came that the white prisoners were all killed, and that the Indians who did not flee north would be killed in consequence. A great many Indians were on the road that day, and most of our village went. The chief was almost the last to go. X X X X X X "AAt night we camped in a valley, pitched our tent, staked out the animals, and ate a supper of skunk and potatoes. Oh how lonely and quiet it was that night. I enjoyed the solitude, and peaceful trust filled my heart. I loved to think of God's beautiful works all around and above us, and of his protecting, loving care guarding and guiding us. "Early the next morning a man rode up to the tent
Page 225 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. and called out something that made the family all start to their feet. They pulled down the tent, hurried things into the wagon, and started as quickly as possible. We soon joined a company of Indians, and traveled until afternoon without stopping. I had a little parched corn for the children, but they, as well as myself, were tired and hungry. Charlie was sick and fretful. "We traveled on for four days, over beautiful prairies, and in sight of beautiful lakes. Sometimes I felt cheerful, and sometimes very sad and desponding. Charlie was growing weaker every day. I feared he could not endure Indian life much longer, and I saw no prospect of rescue. How hard it was to think that my darling might die. Then, too, came the fear that we might all starve during the coming winter. Another fear was that Little Crow's people, or some of the Northerners, would overpower Walking Spirit, and take me. How I suffered when I thought of these things. But, generally, I felt hopeful that some way would be provided, and we be rescued to our friends, who, I knew, were earnestly praying for our release. "Sometimes, as we were traveling, my Indian friends would see what they supposed might be enemies, and they would bid me lie down and cover up. I always hid when they told me to, without waiting to see what or where the danger was. "One day our company had stopped for dinner, and some other Indians came into camp. Among them were Sacred Nest and his wife. Letta ran to meet them, reaching out her arms, and screaming,' My Indian mother, my Indian mother.' Mrs. Sacred Nest took her up, and kissed her most affectionately, and K2 225
Page 226 226 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. gave her a piece of bread wrapped in white cotton. She had brought it from home on purpose for Letta. "The last night before we started back we camped in company with a great number of Indians. They had a great many wagons, horses, and cattle. I counted about eighty yoke of oxen. Mrs. Walking Spirit said there were a great many bad Indians there. In the morning, a man brought some news which I did not understand; and when the chief's wife told me something about it, and asked if I was glad, and wanted to go, I said,'I don't know.' When we started that morning, we left the rest of the company and turned back. I did not know what it meant, and was afraid to hope. Still I did hope, and was in a feverish state of anxiety and surprise. At noon we camped, and the family bustled about preparing for visitors. We seated ourselves in the tent. Oh, how my heart burned with surprise and delight when Enos Good Hail, Lazarus Rusty, and, in a moment, Robert Hopkins and David Renville, entered. They looked so pleased and happy that I knew they had good news. When they were seated, Enos drew two letters from his pocket; one for Walking Spirit, from Colonel Sibley, written in English, and translated by Mr. Riggs. Walking Spirit sent for Sacred Nest to come and read his letter to him. While it was being read twice - once by Sacred Nest and once by Enos, the pipe was passed around the circle, each smoking in his turn. The chief handed it to me, saying that he was sent for, and was going, and then inquired who had written my letter, and what it contained. "Colonel Sibley was then camped with his soldiers near Lac qui Parle, and had sent for me by these
Page 227 MRS. HUGGINS'S STORY. Friendly Indians. Here, then, was deliverance. I could not sleep that night, my thoughts were so busy. Next morning, while the chief's wife prepared breakfast, I mended the chief's clothes, so that he might appear as respectably as possible. I finished, and gave her the thread and scissors. She handed the scissors back, telling me to keep them. They shall always be a remembrance of her. "Then I bade my friends good-by, and went with the men who had been sent for me. Sacred Nest generously gave his wagon for our use. Enos Good Hail brought two German girls and a half-breed boy to go with us. He cried as if his heart would break to leave the woman who had taken care of him. In a short time I succeeded in comforting him. The girls talked in German almost continually. "The first night we camped near where the old trading posts at Big Stone Lake had been. Lame Bear and some of his people were camped there. We were very hospitably entertained by them. Some one lent us a tent. Enos Good Hail made a bed for me and my children, and assisted us in every way possible. I was very tired and almost sick. "The day before we reached Camp Release we passed twelve men seated on the ground smoking. They were fine-looking fellows, painted most savagely. They looked like warriors and murderers. I was sure Good Hail was afraid of them, though he stopped to talk and smoke with them. When he went on he drove very fast, frequently looking back, as if he feared pursuit. That night we camped in sight of Lac qui Parle. We left the wagon, and camped some distance from the road, at the foot of a hill. (This was 227
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Page 228 228 TIE SIOUX WAR AND M1ASSACRE. Dakota precaution against enemies.) The children and I had all the bedding there was; but the night was cold, and we had no tent, so that we suffered somewhat. I lay awake nearly all night, in great fear of the men we saw the day before. "When we passed the place the next day which I once called home, Enos and Walking Spirit went with me to the grave of my husband. We drove in stakes to protect it as well as we could. Then I walked around the desolated place where our houses had been -went to the stream where Amos used to catch fish, and to every familiar spot. Much was unchanged, and yet how much was changed-how much was gone! "An hour's ride brought us to Camp Release. I was worn down, faint, and sick, for the fatigue and excitement of the last three days had quite prostrated me. During the two weeks which we spent in the camp, Charlie and I gained in health and strength. Then we proceeded on our way to join our friends below." In addition to the above facts, showing the kind treatment which Mrs. Huggins received during her captivity, she tells us how delicately her need of a shawl was supplied by an Indian woman, who came up behind her, and placed one on her shoulders. Another Dakota woman, Amanda, often sent milk to Letta and Charlie. She also went down to the Yellow Medicine to get flour for the white woman who had sought their protection. "We have a white woman with us," she said, "and we keep her very carefully; we don't allow a young man to speak to her."
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Page 230 WVILD-GOOSE-NEST LAKE. ,j,y
Page 231 HOMEWARD BOUND. CHAPTER XVI. HOMEWARD BOUND. ON the 21st of October a perfect hurricane swept over our camp. The air was dark with cinders and smoke from the burning prairies. Trees were torn up by the roots, and the tents blown down over our heads. Throughthis storm Lieutenant Colonel Marshall and two hundred men, who had been on an expedition into Dakota Territory, arrived with a crowd of prisoners, whom he had captured upon Wild-GooseNest Lake. We were only waiting his arrival to break up our camp,* and on the 23d the tents were struck, and, with the Indian prisoners in wagons, we commenced our homeward march. At Yellow Medicine we took in the other prisoners. The march this day was terrible, and rapidly extracted the joke of soldier life. Old Eolus seemed to be re-enacting the same lively little operation which Virgil describes him doing at the instigation of the cruel Juno, except that he now mingled the land instead of the sea with the sky. The dust drove in darkening clouds across the prairie, filling the eyes, ears, noses, and faces of our poor soldiers, and giving them the appearance of having been suddenly resurrected from dirty graves; and the cold was so intense that they shivered as if in fear that Death was hurrying fast behind, to re-consign * Before we left, Colonel Sibley received news of his appointment to the position of brigadier general. 231
Page 232 232 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. them to the abodes which they had prematurely left. Horses would turn from the road, back up against the wind, and neither whip nor spur could urge them forward; and so we left them, soon to fall upon the prairies, and remain melancholy memorials of our army's returning march. But the next day the sun shone brightly; the clear autumn air was calmly at rest; and great flocks of geese, and brant, and vari-colored ducks, and cranes, with their clattering cry, wheeled over our heads and drew the soldiers' fire. That night we pitched our tents in the valley of the RedWood. The Indian camp, consisting principally of women and children, had been previously removed to this place from Yellow Medicine. When the squaws caught sight of our train, and saw their fathers, and uncles, and brothers chained in the wagons, they began to weep, and set up a dismal wail. " See our poor friends," they said; "they are prisoners, and hungry and cold." Antoine Frenier, the interpreter, told them that there were forty-five white men, women, and children lying unburied on the other side of the Minnesota, who had been cruelly murdered by these same men, and that they then shed no tears, and that they had better recollect this and remain quiet. This effected a quietus. Two or three days before our arrival, a woman was found, with her two little daughters, on the opposite side of the river. They had been in the woods over nine weeks, and knew nothing of what had transpired. When discovered, they were in a house which they had entered to die. The whites they supposed to be Indians when they first entered, and they covered up
Page 233 INDIAN CAMP AT RED WOOD.
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Page 235 HOMEWARD BOUND. their heads to receive the fatal blow. The poor creatures were starved to mere skeletons, and it seemed as if the convulsions of joy which they experienced at their rescue would break their hearts. Strong-minded men, as they gazed at their emaciated, sorrowstricken faces, bowed their heads and shed tears like girls. When the mother fled from the massacre she had another child, an infant, which she carried in her arms. The other children "walked and ran painfully along by her side through the tangled brush and brier vines. They lived on wild plums and berries, and when those were gone by the frost, on grape tendrils and roots. At night they cowered like a brood of partridges, trembling, starving, nearly dead. The infant was taken home to heaven. The mother laid its body under a plum-tree, scraped together a heap of dried leaves and covered it, placed a few sticks over them to prevent the rude winds from blowing them away, then, looking hastily around, again fled with the survivors." Several weeks were spent at the Lower Agency, the trials still progressing. Hiere was the most comfortable camping-ground that had fallen to our lot during the campaign. We were located on a high plain, and wood and water were within easy access. The ferry was put in running order, and thereby was furnished an easy transit for foraging parties and those desirous of going to Fort Ridgely. The buildings left by the savages were occupied for hospital and other purposes. Stoves in abundance were obtained, and protruded their blackened pipes from the tent-tops. For those who desired fireplaces, convenient bricks were at hand for their construction. Col 235
Page 236 236 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. onel Crooks had one of these in his tent, and the blazing brands reminded one of home, and suggested gay, hilarious times. Men will make themselves comfortable in camp. If logs are not to be found, they will build houses from sods and dig holes in the ground, as some of our men did at Camp Release. We still continued to find victims of the massacre. On the 29th a foraging party crossed the river, and eleven miles above discovered the remains of twelve persons. In one house a skull lay upon the bed, and in the same room lay a dead hog, who had probably been feeding on the dead. Close to the house the party were saluted by two howling, half-starved dogs. The next day they went out again, and, a short distance above the same place, found the bones of thirteen more bodies. One skeleton was evidently that of a strong, powerful man; the skull was fractured into bits. Cattle were running around almost as wild as buffaloes. An ox was writhing on the ground in agony, and frothing at the mouth, apparently with hydrophobia. Many of the dogs there are said to have gone mad. Desolation reigned supreme. A flag of truce would not have saved the murderers had they made their appearance on that scene of inhuman butchery. Many other bones were found in that neighborhood, and among them those of the persons which Antoine Frenier saw on his way to Yellow Medicine. The house where the little children were had been burned, and the charred remains were in the ruins. Hienceforth, for many a year on our borders, Indian hunters will be found who will emulate those of whom the early history of our country tells, bent on war to the death with the savage foe. Men
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Page 238 TH- __ U__ -tU E O TH M I L =Ad --—' THIE COURT-HOUSE OF T2HE tIlLITlARY COMM'ISSION.
Page 239 HIOMEWARD BOUND. whose wives and children have been brutally murdered, and hearthstones blasted forever, will never rest till blood has answered for blood. God's fierce avengers in the future! success to their unerring rifles. Soon after our arrival the Indians were brought down from the Red - Wood River, and their camp placed near ours, around the walls of the church which charitable and pious hands had reared for their benefit. The male prisoners were confined in the jail which had recently been constructed, and;the trials were conducted in a log building heretofore occupied by the murdered mixed-blood, La Batte, for unromantic kitchen purposes, but now destined to pass into history and be immortalized. The avenging Nemesis had brought the guilty to an appropriate spot, and that on eagle wings, for here it was that the mad saturnalia first began. The fire had scarcely died out in the ruins of the goodly buildings which they destroyed, or the blood of their murdered, mangled victims sunk in the ground. A few hours after our arrival the charred bones of a victim were taken from the ruins of one of the houses, and the unburied remains of one of Marsh's men found near the ferry. Almost within stone's throw was the battle-ground of Birch Coolie. The dirt on the graves of the slain was yet fresh. You could see, as if it was done but yesterday, behind every little bush and hillock the marks where the savages had lain when they fired upon the camp, and the trails which they made over the grass in crawling toward it. The splinters made by the bullets were still hanging upon the trees, and the dead horses massed around and through the intrenchments, 239
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Page 240 240 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. though much wasted, were easily distinguishable from one another. All that was needed to complete the deep tragedy of the spot was the erection of a mighty gallows-one partaking of the gigantesque- and the culprits launched together from it into eternity, there to hang until the elements should scatter their dust to the winds. The only enemy that threatened us here was the prairie fire. Lighting up the heavens with lurid flames, roaring through the tall, dry grass, it came down upon us like "an army with banners" with the rush of the storm. The whole force turned out to "fight fire with fire," but a lucky wind changed it to another direction. On the 7th of November, Colonel Marshall, with the inmates of the Indian camp, about 1500 in all, consisting of women and children, and a few innocent males, started for Fort Snelling. When the outrage broke out the Indians said that they would winter their squaws near St. Paul. The prediction was to be accomplished, but the fact was not to be as agreeable as supposed. At six o'clock our drums were beating for forward march. The general was one of the earliest of risers. He had all the camp aroused and at breakfast before four. It was a disagreeable morning; "the owl through all his feathers was a-cold," and so were bold "sojer" boys. We soon cantered away, and left the aforesaid quondam kitchen, but henceforth immortalized court-house, in which three of us had slumbered cozily for many a pleasant night (and which the general therefore playfully characterized as a "den"), probably forever. When the command passed New Ulm the inhabitants were engaged in disinterring the
Page 241 IT P$l
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Page 243 HOMEWARD BOUND. dead from the street for more appropriate burial. Hearing that we were passing by, they all rushed forth, men, women, and children, armed with clubs, pitchforks, hoes, brickbats, knives, and guns, and at tacked the prisoners. The women were perfectly fu rious; they danced around with their aprons full of stones, and cried for an opportunity to get at the prisoners, upon whom they poured the most violent abuse. Many rushed forward and discharged a shower of stones. One woman, who had a long knife in her hand, was especially violent in her demonstrations, and another pounded an Indian in the face till she broke his jaw, and he fell backward out of the wagon. They were the brutal murderers of their friends. The prisoners cowered low, and the negro Godfrey, who lived in the neighborhood of this theatre of his exploits, and was well known in New Ulm, took good care to cover his head with his blanket, and crouch close down in his wagon. The expedition soon reached Mankato, near which a permanent camp for the winter was established, called "Camp Lincoln." Here the trial of a number of the Winnebagoes was held. As no other murders were committed until the following spring, this is an appropriate place to state the estimated losses in 1862. I take Mr. Galbraith's figures. Citizens massacred: In Renville County, including Reservations, 221; in Dakota Territory, including Big Stone Lake, 32; in Brown County, including Lake Shetek, 204; in the other frontier counties, 187-644. Soldiers killed in battle: Lower Sioux Agency, Captain Marsh's command, 24; Fort Ridgely and New Ulm, 29; Birch Coolie, 23; Fort Abercrombie, Acton, Forest City, Hutchinson, and other places, including Wood Lake, 17-93. Total, 737. Mr. Galbraith says, "Here, then, we have seven 243
Page 244 244 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. hundred and thirty-seven persons whom I am certainly convinced have been killed by the Indians. More there may be, and I think there are, yet I confine myself to the facts I have. Are they not enough? Many of this number were full-grown men, and boys over twelve years of age; the rest women and children the mother, the maiden, the little boy or girl, and the innocent infant. Are they not enough,?" During the winter of 1862 and'63 Congress made an appropriation, though greatly insufficient in amount, for the indemnification of the losses incurred by the settlers, and appointed three commissioners to audit the claims, who commenced their sessions in the state early in the season. Justice demands complete reparation. The federal government, through the maladministration of the Indian Department, is largely responsible for the excitement of the Indians against the whites. Besides, it exercises exclusive jurisdiction over them, and is responsible for their good conduct. Alas! what human power can compensate for the precious lives extinguished, for the desolated homes, for the blasted virtue, for all the anguish, and sorrow, and heart-desolation entailed. In the month of September alone, 8231 persons, who had been living in comparative affluence, were dependent on the support which the state furnished. Many charitable donations were received from abroad. Among the good men who contributed to the support of the sufferers was Mr. Minturn,'of New York City. The names of the donors will live in the memory of a grateful people. On the Reservation the property destroyed has been estimated by the agent at over one million of dollars.
Page 245 I~ \;~~~j ~~I F F F;\\{F j ~;~ F _ OA; TIIB ATTACK AT NE"' ULAI.
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Page 247 HOMEWARD BOUND. The direct and indirect loss to the remainder of the state can hardly be estimated. Millions will not cover it. If the stories told by the whites of the number of Indians killed in different encounters during the season were correct, their loss would be several hundred. But the number was grossly exaggerated. An Indian with his head bound with grass, and hugging the prairie, and availing himself, with practiced eye, of every inequality in its surface for protection, and shifting his position every time he discharges his gun, is a very difficult mark for an experienced shot, let alone for those who were not accustomed to the use of arms. In order to get, if possible, other information upon the subject, at Fort Snelling I gathered the Indians of different bands together, and asked them to enumerate their losses. They did so willingly, and the manner in which they did it convinced me of their sincerity. They went over the bands one by one, and gave the names of the slain, each refreshing the recollections of the others. An Indian ascertains and remembers such things much better than a white man, because there are comparatively few things to occupy his mind, and prominent among these is what pertains to battles. They do not confine themselves to one place, but are continually wandering around and associating with one another, and can tell the locality of every band. Their knowledge of distances, and of what Indians went upon different war paths, and their numbers, and what they did, I found to be astonishingly correct. The conversation and details of the affair at Acton was narrated to me by an Indian, who told me he had 247
Page 248 248 TIlE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. heard it many times. It was from one of them, too, that I obtained the speeches which were made. Their estimate of the killed upon the field corresponded with the number found by us at the different places of contest. I have heard some say that there were more found at New Ulm, Ridgely, and Abercrombie, but I looked in vain for a man who could tell me he had seen them. I was at Ridgely myself shortly after the battles, and was told that more than here stated had been discovered, but I could not find them after a diligent search. Here are the figures as given by the Indians. They include those who were carried away wounded from the battle-field, and afterward died. Admitted loss of the enemy in 1862: At the battle of Red-Wood Ferry, 1; at New Ulm (including half-breeds), 5; at Fort Ridgely, 2; at Birch Coolie, 2; Big Woods, at or near Forest City, 1; at battle of Acton with Strout, 1; at Hutchinson, 1; at Spirit Lake, 1; at Lake Shetek, by Duly, 1; near Omahaw, where several went to steal horses, not knowing of the outbreak, 1; at Abercrombie, 4; between Fort Ridgely and New Ulm, half-breed, I; at Wood Lake, 22. Total, 42.
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Page 251 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. CHAPTER XVII. TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. THE Military Commission, which organized, as stated in the order creating it, " to try summarily the mulatto, mixed bloods, and Indians engaged in the Sioux raids and massacres," consisted at first of Colonel Crooks, Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, Captains Grant and Bailey, and Lieutenant Olin. The writer acted as recorder. After twenty-nine cases were disposed of, Major Bradley was substituted for Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, who was absent on other duty. The prisoners were arraigned upon written charges specifying the criminating acts. These charges were signed by Colonel Sibley or his adjutant general, and were, with but few exceptions, based upon information furnished by the Rev. S. R. Riggs. He obtained it by assembling the half-breeds, and others possessed of means of knowledge, in a tent, and interrogating them concerning suspected parties. The names of the witnesses were appended to the charge. He was, in effect, the Grand Jury of the court. His long residence in the country, and extensive acquaintance with the Indians, his knowledge of the character and habits of most of them, enabling him to tell almost with certainty what Indians would be implicated and what ones not, either from their disposition or their relatives being engaged, and his familiarity with their language, eminently qualified him for the position. 251
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Page 252 252 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. Major Forbes, of General Sibley's staff, a trader of long standing among the Indians, acted as provost marshal, and Antoine Frenier as interpreter. The charges were first read to the accused, and, unless he admitted them, evidence on oath introduced. Godfrey was the first person tried. The following was the charge and specifications, which will serve as a sample of the others: "Charge and Specifications against O-ta-kle, or Godfrey, a colored man connected with the Sioux tribe of In dians. "Charge. MURDEIR. "Specification 1st. In this, that the said O-ta-kle, or Godfrey, a colored man, did, at or near New Ulm, Minnesota, on or about the 19th day of August, 1862, join in a war party of the Sioux tribe of Indians against the citizens of the United States, and did with his own hand murder seven white men, women, and children (more or less), peaceable citizens of the United States. "Specification 2d. In this, that the said O-ta-kle, or Godfrey, a colored man, did, at various times and places between the 19th of August, 1862, and the 28th day of September, 1862, join and participate in the murders and massacre committed by the Sioux Indians on the Minnesota frontier. By order of "COL. H. ]I. SIBLEY, Com. Mil. Expedition. S. I. FOWLER,* Lt. Col. State Militia, A. A. A. G. "Witnesses: Mary Woodbury, David Faribault, Sen., Mary Swan, Bernard la Batte." * Colonel Fowler was formerly in the regular army, and rendered General Sibley efficient aid in the organization of the expedition.
Page 253 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. On being asked whether he was guilty or not guilty, he made a statement similar to the one heretofore detailed. Mary Woodbury testified that she saw him two or three days after the outbreak at Little Crow's village with a breech-clout on, and his legs and face painted for a war party, and that he started with one for New Ulm; that he appeared very happy and contented with the Indians; was whooping around and yelling, and apparently as fierce as any of them. When they came back there was a Wahpeton, named Hiunka, who told witness that the negro was the bravest of all; that he led them into a house and clubbed the inmates with a hatchet; and that she was standing in the prisoner's tent door, and heard the Indians ask him how many he had killed, and he said only seven; and that she saw him, once when he started off, have a gun, a knife, and a hatchet. Mary Swan and Mattie Williams testified that when the war party took them captive, though the prisoner was not armed, he appeared to be as much in favor of the outrages as any of the Indians, and made no intimation to the contrary in a conversation the witnesses had with him. La Batte knew nothing about him. David Faribault, Sen., a half-breed, testified as to his boasting of killing seven with a tomahawk, and some more-children; but these, he said, didn't amount to any thing, and he wouldn't count them. Witness saw him at the fort and at New Ulm, fighting and acting like the Indians; and he never told him (Faribault) that he was forced into the outbreak. Godfrey, it will be recollected, stated, before wit 253
Page 254 254 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. nesses were called, that he was at the fort, New Ulm, Birch Coolie, and Wood Lake, but was compelled to go; and that he had struck a man with the back of a hatchet in a house where a number were killed, and that he spoke of killing in the Indian acceptation of the term, as before explained, and boasted of the act in order to keep the good will of the Indians. He had such an honest look, and spoke with such a truthful tone, that the court, though prejudiced against him in the beginning, were now unanimously inclined to believe that there were possibilities as to his sincerity. Hiis language was broken, and he communicated his ideas with some little difficulty. This was an advantage in his favor, for it interested the sympathetic attention of the listener, and it was a pleasure to listen to his hesitating speech. Hiis voice was one of the softest that I ever listened to. The court held his case open for a long time, and, while the other trials were progressing, asked every person who was brought in about him, but could find no person who saw him kill any one, although the Indians were indignant at him for having disclosed evidence against a number of them, and would be desirous of finding such testimony. Finally, the court found him not guilty of the first specification, but guilty of the charge and the second specification, and sentenced him to be hung, accompanying the sentence, however, by a recommendation of a commutation of punishment to imprisonment for ten years. It was afterward granted by the President. The trials were elaborately conducted until the commission became acquainted with the details of the different outrages and battles, and then, the only point
Page 255 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. being the connection of the prisoner with them, five minutes would dispose of a case. If witnesses testified, or the prisoner admitted, that he was a participant, sufficient was established. As many as forty were sometimes tried in a day. Those convicted of plundering were condemned to imprisonment; those engaged in individual massacres and in battles, to death. If you think that participation in battles did not justify such a sentence, please to reflect that any judicial tribunal in the state would have been compelled to pass it, and that the retaliatory laws of war, as recognized by all civilized nations, and also the code of the Indian, which takes life for life, justified it. The battles were not ordinary battles.. The attacks upon New Ulm were directed against a village filled with frightened fugitives from the surrounding neighborhood, and the place was defended by civilians, hastily and indifferently armed,'and were accompanied by the wanton burning of a large portion of the town, and by the slaughter of horses and cattle, and the destruction of all property which came within the power of the enemy. A number of persons from the country, who endeavored, while the attack was progressing, to make their way into the town, where alone was possible safety, were shot down and horribly mutilated. The attacks upon the forts were also accompanied by similar acts. The battle of Birch Coolie commenced with an attack, just before daylight, upon a small party of soldiers and civilians who had been engaged in the burial of the dead at the Red-Wood Agency, by over three hundred Indians, who started for the purpose of 255
Page 256 256 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. burning the towns of New Ulm, Mankato, and St. Peter, and butchering the inhabitants. The war party to the Big Woods marched a distance of eighty miles on a general raid through the settlements. They murdered and mutilated a number of unarmed fugitives, burned many houses, stole a large quantity of horses and cattle, killed a portion of Captain Strout's company at Acton, and partially destroyed the town of Hlutchinson. On all these occasions, as they were attacked by largely superior numbers, the whites would have surrendered could "quarter" have been expected. It was with the utmost resistance of despair that the defense of Fort Rigdely and New Ulm was sustained after the burning of all the outbuildings, and an attempt to set fire to the fort itself. The timely arrival of re-enforcements alone saved the party at Birch Coolie from total massacre. One hundred and four bullet-holes through a single tent, the slaughter of over ninety horses, and the loss of half the party in killed and wounded, indicate the peril of their situation. The purpose of these Indians, as frequently stated, was to sweep the country as far as St. Paul with the tomahawk and with fire, giving the men "no quarter;" and these battles were but a part of the general design, and rendered the acts of one the acts of all. The fact that those engaged in such a mode of warfare acted together in organized bands, and directed their attempts against a large number of whites, was not a matter of mitigation, but of aggravation, arising from increased ability and opportunity to accomplish their purpose. Besides, most of these Indians must also have been engaged in individual massacres and outrages. Those
Page 257 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. who attacked New Ulm on the second day after the outbreak, and Fort Ridgely on the third day, were undoubtedly parties who had scattered through the neighborhood in small marauding bands the day before. The extent of the outrages, occurring almost simultaneously over a frontier of two hundred miles in length and reaching far into the interior, and whereby nearly one thousand people perished, can not be accounted for without their participation. The fact that they were Indians, intensely hating the whites, and possessed of the inclinations and revengeful impulses of Indians, and educated to the propriety of the indiscriminate butchery of their opponents, would raise the moral certainty that, as soon as the first murders were committed, all the young men were impelled by the sight of blood and plunder by the contagion of example, and the hopes entertained of success -to become participants in the same class of acts. In at least two thirds of the cases the prisoners admitted that they fired, but in most instances insisted that it was only two or three shots, and that no one was killed; about as valid an excuse as one of them offered who was possessed of an irresistible impulse to accumulate property, that a horse which he took was only a very little one, and that a pair of oxen which he captured was for his wife, who wanted a pair. In regard to the third who did not admit that they fired, their reasons for not doing so were remarkable, and assumed a different shape every day. One day all the elderly men, who were in the vigor of manly strength, said their hair was too gray to go into battle; and the young men, aged from eighteen to twenty-five, insisted that they were too young, and 257
Page 258 258 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. their hearts too weak to face fire. The next day would develop the fact that great was the number and terrible the condition of those who were writhing in agony with the bellyache on the top of a big hill. A small army avowed that they had crept under a wonderfully capacious stone (which nobody but themselves ever saw) at the battles of the fort, and did not emerge therefrom during the fights; and a sufficiency for two small armies stoutly called on the Great Spirit (Wakan-tonka), and the heavens and the earth (patting the latter emphatically with the hand), to witness that they were of a temper so phlegmatic, a disposition so unsocial, and an appetite so voracious and greedy, that, during the roar of each of the battles at the fort, New Ulm, Birch Coolie, and Wood Lake, they were alone, within bullet-shot, roasting and eating corn and beef all day!. A fiery-looking warrior wished the commission to believe that he felt so bad at the fort to see the Indians fire on the whites, that he immediately laid down there and went to sleep, and did not awake until the battle was over! Several of the worst characters, who had been in all the battles, after they had confessed the whole thing, wound up by saying that they were members of the Church! One young chap, aged about nineteen, said that he used always to attend divine worship at Little Crow's village, below St. Paul, and that he never did any thing bad in his life except to run after a chicken at Mendota a long time ago, and that he didn't catch it. The evidence disclosed the fact that this pious youth had been an active participant in some of the worst massacres on Beaver Creek. All ages were represented, from boyish fifteen up
Page 259 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. to old men scarcely able to walk or speak, who were "fifty years old," to use the expression of one, "a long time ago, and then they stopped counting." Two of these old gentlemen were once brought in together, who were direct opposites in physiognomy-the face of one running all to nose, which terminated sharply, giving him the pointed expression, while that of the other was perfectly fiat, and about two feet broad, and fully illustrated (what I always considered a fable) the fact of persons being in existence who couldn't open or shut their eyes and months at the same moment. This specimen was apparently asleep the whole time, with his lower jaw down; and closed eyes being his normal condition, he had to be punched up every two minutes, when the president of the commission was interrogating him, as he wished to look in his eyes to judge if he was telling the truth. "Wake hmr u2p! s8tir him up!" was the continual injunction to the interpreter. This lively little proceeding kept the old gentleman's face in continued action, eyes and mouth alternately opening and shutting with a jerk. If he was simply told to open his eyes, the operation was slow. The lids peeled up like those of some stupid noxious bird gorged with carrion, and would shut again before they were fairly open, the mouth following suitparipassu. Nothing was proved against him, and the president said, in a loud voice, "Lead him out." The startled tones awakened him, but the eyes shut again, and they led him away wrapped in profound slumber. Another equally antiquated specimen, but by no means terrific in appearance, and not of the smallest account to himself or any body else-sore-eyed, and 259
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Page 260 260 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. of lymphatic temperament-astonished the court by stating that he was the sole cause of the Sioux difficulty; that he was living near New Ulm upon the charity of the whites; that the whites were, in fact, lavishingly kind to him, and to such an extent that the other Indians were jealous of him, and became so excited thereby that they brought on the war. Two semi-idiots were tried. Nothing was elicited concerning one of them except that he was called "white man," and was picked up when an infant alone on the prairies. He claimed to be a white, but looked like a " Red, and a very cross-eyed, ugly-phized "Red" at that. The other had wit enough to kill a white child, and, unfortunately for him, the plea of idiocy was not recognized by the commission. An innocent-looking youth was tried on a charge of robbery. The following examination took place: Ques. "What goods, if any, did you take from Forbes's store?" Arns. "Some blankets." Q. "Any thing else?" A. "Yes; some calico and cloth." Q. "Any thing else?" A. "Yes; some powder, and some lead, and some paint, and some beads." Q. "Any thing else?" A. "Yes; some flour, and some pork, and some coffee, and some rice, and some sugar, and some beans, and some tin cups, and some raisins, and some twine, and some fish-hooks, and some needles, and some thread." Q. "Was you going to set up a grocery store on your own account?"
Page 261 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. A. A stupid and inquiring look from the Indian, but no words. Ten years in prison was given him to meditate on his reply. Let it not be supposed, because facetim were sometimes indulged in, that the proceedings were lightly conducted. The trial of several hundred persons for nearly the same class of acts became very mnonotonous. The gravest judge, unless entirely destitute of the juices of humor, sometimes a while "Unbends his rugged front, And deigns a transient smile." Many cases there were where there was occasion enough for display of solemn sorrow. The most repulsive-looking prisoner was Cut-nose, some of whose acts have been detailed by Samuel Brown. He was the foremost man in many of the massacres. The first and second days of the outbreak he devoted his attention particularly to the Beaver Creek settlement, and to the fugitives on that side of the river. I will give a single additional instance of the atrocity of this wretch and his companions. A party of settlers were gathered together for flight when the savages approached; the defenseless, helpless women and children, huddled together in the wagons, bending down their heads, and drawing over them still closer their shawls. Cut-nose, while two others held the horses, leaped into a wagon that contained eleven, mostly children, and deliberately, in cold blood, tomahawked them all-cleft open the head of each, while the others, stupefied with horror, powerless with fright, as they heard the heavy, dull blows crash and tear through flesh and bones, awaited their turn. Taking 261
Page 262 262 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. an infant from its mother's arms, before her eyes, with a bolt from one of the wagons they riveted it through its body to the fence, and left it there to die, writhing in agony. After holding for a while the mother before this agonizing spectacle, they chopped off her arms and legs, and left her to bleed to death. Thus they butchered twenty-five within a quarter of an acre. Kicking the bodies out of the wagons, they filled them with plunder from the burning houses, and, sending them back, pushed on for other adventures.* Many of those engaged in the Patville murder were tried. Patville started from Jo. Reynolds's place, just above Red-Wood, for New Ulm, on the morning of the outbreak, with three young ladies and two other men, and on the way they were attacked by the Indians, as detailed by Godfrey. Patville was killed near the wagon, and the other men at the edge of the woods, while trying to escape. One of the girls was wounded, and all three taken prisoners and brought to Red-Wood. Hiere the three were abused by the Indians; one, a girl of fourteen, by seventeen of the wretches, and the wounded young lady to such an extent that she died that night. Jo. Campbell ventured to place her in a grave, but was told that if he did so, or for any of the other bodies which were lying exposed, his life should pay the forfeit. The two other young ladies were reclaimed at Camp Release, and sent to their friends, after suffering indignities worse than death, and which humanity shudders to name. Others were tried who belonged to a band of eight that separated themselves from the main body which attacked the fort in the second battle, and went to * Harper's Magazine.
Page 263 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. ward St. Peter's, burning the church, the Swan Lake House, and other buildings, and murdering and plundering. They attacked one party, and killed all the men, and then one of them caught hold of a young girl to take her as his property, when the mother resisted and endeavored to pull her away. The Indians then shot the mother dead, and wounded the girl, who fell upon the ground apparently lifeless. An Indian said she was not dead, and told her first captor to raise her clothes, which he attempted to do. Modesty, strong in death, revived the girl, and she attempted to prevent it, but as she did so the other raised his tomahawk and dashed out her brains-a blessed fate in comparison with that which was otherwise designed. An old man, shriveled to a mummy, one of the criers of the Indian camp, was also tried, and two little boys testified against him. One of them, a German, and remarkably intelligent for his years, picked him out from many others at Camp Release, and had him arrested, and dogged him till he was placed in jail, and when he was led forth to be tried, with the eye and fierceness of a hawk, and as if he feared every instant that he would escape justice. These boys belonged to a large party, who came from above Beaver Creek to within a few miles of the fort, where the Indians met them, and said if they would go back with them to where they came from, and give up their teams, they should not be harmed. When they were some distance from the fort, they fired into the party, and killed one man and a number of women, and took the remainder prisoners. The 263
Page 264 264 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. old wretch was made to stand up, looking cold and impassable, and as stolid as a stone, and the boys, likewise standing, placed opposite. They stood gazing at each other for a moment, when one of the boys said, "I saw that Indian shoot a man while he was on his knees at prayer;" and the other boy said, "I saw him shoot my mother." Another was recognized by Mrs. Hiunter as the Indian who had shot her husband, and then took out his knife and offered to cut his throat in her presence, but finally desisted, and carried her away into captivity. A party of five was also tried, who all fired and killed a white man across the river. The party consisted of three half-breeds, Hienry Milard, Baptiste Campbell, and HIippolyte Auge, and two Indians. One of the Indians was first examined, and, as he was going out of the door, said hastily that there was a white man with him, and gave the name of Milard. He was at once arrested, and brought before the court the next day, and the Indian called as a witness. On being interrogated as to whether he knew the prisoner, he turned around, and, after leisurely scanning him from head to foot, said he never saw him before. Milard had previously made some rather damaging admissions, and being asked whether he desired any witnesses, mentioned the name of Campbel], who being brought in, stolidly told the whole thing, saying that they were sent over the river by Little Crow after cattle, and saw the white man, and all fired at the same time, and the man fell, and that he was sure the Indian shot him, as he had gotten where he could get a better shot. He said, with the utmost sang froid,
Page 265 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. that he aimed to hit, but unfortunately failed. Auge had gone to St. Peter's, but was arrested and convicted. Several of the Renville Rangers were also arraigned, who deserted from the fort, and were in all the battles. One of these, about eighteen, built like a young Hercules, stated that he went from the fort to cut kin-ne-kin-nic, and the Indians, surrounding the fort while he was out, prevented his getting in, and that his presence in the battles was compulsory, and stoutly denied having been guilty of any wrong act. The evidence showed that he was of a decidedly belligerent character, having been engaged in war parties against the Chippeways, and that at Wood Lake he had scalped the first man killed, one of the Renville Rangers, an old gray-headed German (and very likely was the one who had cut his head and hands off), and had received therefor one of two belts of wampum which Little Crow had promised to those who should kill the first two white men. IHe called his Indian uncle in his defense, but he, much to his disgust, admitted that he had received the wampum. The female sex was represented in the person of one squaw, who, it was charged, had killed two children. The only evidence to be obtained against her was camp rumor to that effect among the Indians, so she was discharged. Her arrest had one good effect, as she admitted she had taken some silver spoons across the river, and ninety dollars in gold, which she had turned over to an Indian, who, being questioned concerning it, admitted the fact, and delivered the money over to the general. But the greatest institution of the commission, and M 265
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Page 266 266 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. the observed of all observers, was the negro Godfrey. He was the means of bringing to justice a large number of the savages, in every instance but two his testimony being substantiated by the subsequent admission of the Indians themselves. His observation and memory were remarkable. Not the least thing had escaped his eye or ear. Such an Indian had a doublebarreled gun, another a single-barreled, another a long one, another a short one, another a lance, and another one nothing at all. One denied that he was at the fort. Godfrey saw him there preparing his sons for battle, and recollected that he painted the face of one red, and drew a streak of green over his eyes. Another denied that he had made a certain statement to Godfrey which he testified to. "What!" said Godfrey, "' don't you recollect you said it when you had your hand upon my wagon and your foot resting on the wheel." To a boy whom he charged with admitting that he had killed a child by striking it with his war spear over the head, and who denied it, he said, "Don't you remember showing me the spear was broken, and saying that you had broken it in striking the child?" To another, who said he had a lame arm at New Ulrn, and couldn't fire a gun, and had such a bad gun that he could not have fired if he desired, he replied, "' You say you could not fire, and had a bad gun. Why don't you tell the court the truth? I saw you go and take the gun of an Indian who was killed, and fire two shots; and then you borrowed mine, and shot with it; and then you made me reload it, and then you fired again." I might enumerate numberless instances of this kind, in which his assumed recollection would cause
Page 267 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. his truthfulness to be doubted, if he had not been fully substantiated. It was a study to watch him, as he sat in court, scanning the face of every culprit who came in with the eye of a cat about to spring. His sense of the ridiculous, and evident appreciation of the gravity which should accompany the statement of an important truth, was strongly demonstrated. When a prisoner would state, in answer to the question of "Guilty or not guilty," that he was innocent, and Godfrey knew that he was guilty, he would drop his head upon his breast, and convulse with a fit of musical laughter; and when the court said, "Godfrey, talk to him," he would straighten up, his countenance become calm, and, in a deliberate tone, would soon force the Indian, by a series of questions in his own language, into an admission of the truth. He seemed a "providence" specially designed as an instrument of justice. The number of prisoners tried was over four hundred. Of these, three hundred and three were sentenced to death, eighteen to imprisonment. Most of those acquitted were Upper Indians. There was testimony that all these left their homes and went upon war parties, but the particular acts could not be shown, and they were therefore not convicted. Some people have thought that the haste with which-the accused were tried must have prevented any accuracy as to the ascertainment of their complicity. I have already shown that the point to be investigated being a very simple one, viz., presence and participation in battles and massacres which had before been proven, and many of the prisoners confessing the fact, each case need only occupy a few moments. It was completed 267
Page 268 268 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. when you asked him if he was in the battles of New Ulm and the fort, or either, and fired at the whites, and he said "yes." The officers composing the court were well known to the community as respectable and humane gentlemen. They resided a long distance from the scene of the massacres, and had no property destroyed or relatives slain. They were all nn of more than average intelligence, and one of them (Major Bradley) was not only a gallant soldier, but had long been rated among the first lawyers of the state. Before entering upon the trials they were solemnly sworn to a fair and impartial discharge of their duties. It would scarcely be supposed that such men as these, after such an oath, would take away human life without the accused were guilty. The fact that in many instances the punishment of imprisonment was graduated from one to ten years, and that in nearly one quarter of the cases the acCused were acquitted, argues any thing but inattention to testimony and blind condemnation. Mr. Riggs, their missionary, who furnished the grounds for the charges, had free intercourse with them, and as he was well known to all of them personally or by reputation for his friendship and sympathy, those who were innocent would be likely, of their own accord, to tell him of the fact, and those who were members of his church, or those whose characters were good, specially interrogated by him as to their guilt; and a gentleman of such kind impulses, and who took such a deep interest in their welfare, would not have hesitated to have had the defensive or excusatory fact brought to the attention of the court, and he did not. One instance was that of Rob
Page 269 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. ert Hopkins, a civilized Indian, and a member of the Church. He helped to save the life of Dr.Williamson and party, and when he was tried Mr. Riggs had this adduced in his favor. Where so many were engaged in the raids, the fact of any one staying at home would be a circumstance much more marked than that of going -a circumstance quickly noticed, and calculated to impress the memory, and therefore easily proven. It is the height of improbability to believe that any Indian would be accused, especially by Mr. Riggs, and the subject of his guilt or innocence canvassed among the half-breed witnesses who had been present through the whole affair, and be conducted by Provost Marshal Forbes, who understood the Indian language, and was well acquainted with them, a distance of a quarter of a mile from the prison to the court, without the fact of innocence, if it existed, being noticed and called to the attention of the court, and in no instance was there suggestion made of any defensive testimony but what the court had it produced, and gave to it due weight and consideration. No one was sentenced to death for the mere robbery of goods, and not to exceed half a dozen for mere presence in a battle, although the prisoner had gone many miles to it, or on a general raid against the settlements. It was required that it should be proven by the testimony of witnesses, unless the prisoner admitted the fact, that he had fired in the battles, or brought ammunition, or acted as commissary in supplying provisions to the combatants, or committed some separate murder. Where defensive testimony was offered, the defend 269
Page 270 270 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. ant's case generally appeared worse against him. The reader will recollect the instances where the half-breed Milard sent for Baptiste Campbell, and the deserter from the Renville Rangers for his Indian uncles. Robert Hopkins's case, too, was unfortunate..He had helped Dr. Williamson to escape, but he fired in battles; and David Faribault swore that while he was between New Ulm and Red-Wood he heard a gun fired near a house a short distance off, and shortly afterward Hopkins and another Indian approached, and one of them (I think Hopkins) said that he (Hopkins) had first shot a white man at that house, and that there was another white man ran up stairs, and that Hopkins wanted the other Indian to follow, but he dared not; that Hopkins then proposed that they should set fire to the house, but the Indian refused to do so, as he said the white man might have a gun, and shoot one of them from the window. Some have criticised the action of the court because of the great number of the condemned. Great also was the number of crimes of which they were accused. Many of the presses in the East condemned the demands of the people of Minnesota for their execution as barbarous in the extreme. For their benefit let me cite a few instances from the history of their own ancestors under similar circumstances. See how the investigation and trial above detailed, and the refraining of the people to visit death summarily upon the criminals, or upon any one of them, compares with their conduct, and then judge. In 1675 the New England army broke into King Philip's camp in the southern part of Rhode Island,
Page 271 TRIALS OF THE PRISONERS. and fired five hundred wigwams; and hundreds of the women and children, the aged, the wounded, and the infirm, perished in the conflagration. On the 5th of June, 1637, the soldiers of Connecticut forced their way into the Pequod fort, in the eastern part of the state, and commenced the work of destruction. The Indians fought bravely, but bows and arrows availed little against weapons of steel. "We must burn them," shouted Mason, their leader; and, applying a firebrand, the frail Indian cabins were soon enveloped in the flames. The whites hastily withdrew and surrounded the place, while the savages, driven from the inclosure, became, by thalight of the burning fire, a sure prey for the musket, or were cut down by the broadsword. As the sun shone upon the scene of slaughter it showed that the victory was complete. About 600 Indians, men, women, and children, had perished, most of them in the hideous conflagration. Of the whole number within the fort, only seven escaped, and seven were made prisoners. Two of the whites were killed and twenty wounded. The remainder of the Pequods scattered in every direction; straggling parties were hunted and shot down like deer in the woods; their territory was laid waste, their settlements burned, and about 200 survivors, the sole remnant of the great nation, surrendering in despair, were enslaved by the whites, or forced to live with their allies. 271
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Page 272 272 THE SIOUx WAR AND MASSACRE. CHAPTER XVIII. EXECUTION. TEE records of the testimony and sentences of the Indians was sent to the President at an early day, but no action was taken for several weeks. Finally, thirty-eight were ordered to be executed at Mankato on the 26th day of February, 1863. On Monday, the 22d, the condemned were separated from the other prisoners to another prison. On the afternoon of the same day, Colonel Miller, the officer in command at Mankato, visited them, and announced the decision of the President. Addressing the interpreter, the Rev. Mr. Riggs, he said: " Tell these condemned men that the comm'anding officer of this place has called to speak to them upon a very serious subject this afternoon. "Their Great Father at Washington, after carefully reading what the witnesses testified to in their several trials, has come to the conclusion that they have each been guilty of wantonly and wickedly murdering his white children. And for this reason he has directed that they each be hanged by the neck until they are dead, on next Friday; and that order will be carried into effect on that day, at ten o'clock in the forenoon; "That good ministers are here-both Catholic and Protestant-from among whom each one can select a spiritual adviser, who will be permitted to commune
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Page 275 EXECUTION. with them constantly during the four days that they are yet to live; "That I will now cause to be read the letter of their Great Father at Washington, first in English, and then in their own language. (The President's order was here read.) "Say to them now that they have so sinned against their fellow-men that there is no hope for clemency except in the mercy of God, through the merits of the blessed Redeemer; and that I earnestly exhort them to apply to that, as their only remaining source of comfort and consolation." The St. Paul Press, to which I am indebted for the details of the execution, says: "Very naturally it would be expected that this scene would be peculiarly solemn and distressing to the doomed savages. To all appearances, however, it was not so. The prisoners received their sentence very coolly. At the close of the first paragraph they gave the usual grunt of approval; but as the second was being interpreted to them, they evidently discovered the drift of the matter, and their approval was less general, and with but little unction. "Several Indians smoked their pipes composedly during the reading, and we observed one in particular who, when the time of execution was designated, quietly knocked the ashes from his pipe and filled it afresh with his favorite kin-ne-kin-nick; while another was slowly rubbing a pipeful of the same article in his hand, preparatory to a good smoke. "The Indians were evidently prepared for the visit and the announcement of their sentence, one or two having overheard soldiers talking about it when they were removed to a separate apartment. 275
Page 276 276 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. "At the conclusion of the ceremony, Colonel Miller instructed Major Brown to tell the Indians that each should be privileged to designate the minister of his choice; that a record of the same would be made, and the minister so selected would have free intercourse with him. "The colonel and spectators then withdrew, leaving the ministers in consultation with the prisoners." The following order was issued as per date: "Head-quarters Indian Post Mankato, December 22, 1862. " General Order No. 17. "Colonel Benjamin F. Smith, of Mankato, Major W. H. Dike, of Faribault, Hon. Henry A. Swift and Henry W. Lamberton, Esq., of St. Peter's, Edwin Bradley and Major E. W.. Dike, of Mankato, and Reuben Butters, of Kasota, together with such other good citizens as they may select, are hereby requested to act at this place on Friday, the 26th inst., as mounted citizen marshals, Colonel Benjamin F. Smith as chief, and the others as assistants. "The colonel commanding respectfully recommends that they assemble at Mankato on the previous evening, and adopt such wholesome measures as may contribute to the preservation of good order and strict propriety during the said 26th instant. "By order of the colonel commanding. "J. K. ARNOLD, Post Adjutant." On Monday a general order was promulgated by the commander of the post, forbidding all persons in Mankato, and in the adjoining district, extending a distance of ten miles, from selling intoxicating liquors.
Page 277 EXECUTION. Martial law was declared by the promulgation of the following order: "Head-quarters of Indian Post Mankato, December 24,1862. " General Order No. 21. "The colonel commanding publishes the following rules to govern all who may be concerned; and for the preservation of the public peace, declares martial law over all the territory within a circle of ten miles from these head-quarters. "1. It is apprehended by both the civil and military authorities, as well as by many of the prominent business men, that the use of intoxicating liquors, about the time of the approaching Indian execution, may result in a serious riot or breach of the peace; and the unrestrained distribution of such beverages to enlisted men is always subversive of good order and military. discipline. "2. The good of the service, the honor of the state, and the protection of all concerned, imperatively require that, for a specified period, the sale, gift, or use of all intoxicating drinks, including wines, beer, and malt liquors, be entirely suspended. ' 3. From this necessity, and for the said purposes, martial law is hereby declared in and about all territory, buildings, tents, booths, camps, quarters, and other places within the aforesaid limits, to take effect at three o'clock on Thursday morning, the 25th inst. "4. Accordingly, the sale, tender, gift, or use of all intoxicating liquors as above named, by soldiers, sojourners, or citizens, is entirely prohibited until the evening of the 27th instant, at eleven o'clock. "5. The said prohibition to continue as to the sale 277
Page 278 278 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. or gift of all intoxicating liquors as before described to enlisted men in the service of the United States, except upon special written orders or permission from these head-quarters, until officially revoked by the commandant of this post. "6. For the purpose of giving full scope and effect to this order, a special patrol will visit all suspected camps, tents, booths, rooms, wagons, and other places, and seize and destroy all liquors so tendered, given, sold, or used, and break the vessels containing the same, and report the circumstances, with the name of the offender, to these head-quarters. "7. This order will be read at the head of every company of the United States' forces serving or coming within said limits. "[Official.] STEPHEN MILLER, "Col. 7th Regt. Min. Vol., Comd'g Post. "J. K. ARNOLD, Adj't 7th Regt. Min. Vols., Post Adj." All the prisoners, shortly before their execution, made statements to the Rev. Mr. Riggs as to their participation in the massacre. In the first eleven cases on his list I retained copies of the records of the trial, and in these I will give the statements made to Mr. Riggs, and what appeared against them before the commission. 1. Te-he-hdo-ne-cha (one who forbids his house) confessed, on trial, to having gone east of Beaver River with a party who committed murders, and that he took a woman prisoner, with whom he slept; and that he was in five battles, but denied firing a gun or killing any one. A woman swore he ravished her against her will, and was delighted with the acts of
Page 279 EXECUTION. the war party. (Statement made to Mr. Riggs.) He said he was asleep when the outbreak took place at the Lower Agency. He was not present at the breaking open of the stores, but afterward went over the Minnesota River and took some women captives. The men who were killed there were killed by other Indians. 2. Ta-zoo, alias Ptan-doo-tah (Red Otter). Prisoner was professional juggler and medicine-man, and was convicted of rape upon the testimony of the violated woman herself, and of participation in the murder of Patville. He tied her hands. The lady testified that he acted as if delighted with the acts of the others of the war party, and helped to plunder. Her testimony was fully corroborated by others, and her own reputation was stainless. Godfrey refers to this Indian in his account of the Patville murder. (Statement.) Prisoner said he had very sore eyes at the commencement of the outbreak, and was at that time down opposite Fort Ridgely. He was with the party that killed Patville and others. Maza-bom-doo killed Patville. He himself took Miss Williams captive. Said he would have violated the women, but they resisted. He thought he did a good deed in saving the women alive. 3. Wy-a-tah-ta-wa (his people) confessed to having participated in the murder of Patville, and to have been in three battles. (Statement.) He said he was at the attack on Captain Marsh's company, and also at New Ulm. He and another Indian shot a man at the same time. He does not know whether he or the other Indian killed the white man. He was wounded in following up another white man. He was at the 279
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Page 280 280 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. battle of Birch Coolie, where he fired his gun four times. He fired twice at Wood Lake. 4. Hin - han - shoon -ko - yag- ma- ne (one who walks clothed in an owl's tail). Convicted on the testimony of an eye-witness, Mrs. Alexander Hunter, of the murder of her husband, and with taking herself prisoner. Hter testimony was corroborated. (Statement.) He said he was charged with killing white people, and so condemned. He did not know certainly that he killed any one. He was in all the battles. 5. Ma-za-bom-doo (iron-blower). Convicted of the murder of an old woman and two children at the Travelers' Home, near New Ulm, on the testimony of Godfrey. At the time he was with the party who killed Patville. (Statement.) X He stated he was down on the Big Cottonwood when the outbreak took place; that he came to New Ulm and purchased various articles, and then started home. He met the Indians coming down. Saw some men in wagons shot, but did not know who killed them. He was present at the killing of Patville and others, but denied having done it himself. He thought he did well by Mattie Williams and Mary Swan in keeping them from being killed. They lived and he had to die, which he thought not quite fair. 6. Wah-pa-doo-ta (Red Leaf). This was Godfrey's father-in-law. Confessed that he was engaged in the massacres, and that he shot a white man. (Statement.) IHe said he was an old man. He was moving when he heard of the outbreak. He saw some men after they were killed about the agency, but did not kill any one there. He started down to the fort, and went on to the New Ulm settlement. There he shot at a
Page 281 EXECUTION. man through the window, but does not think he killed him. IHe was himself wounded at New Ulm. 7. Wa-he-hna (meaning not known). Prisoner confessed that he had been in three battles and fired at white people, "but never took good aim;" that he belonged to the Soldier's Lodge. David Faribault testified that he heard him say that he had shot a messenger (Richardson) going to the fort. (Statement.) iHe said that he did not kill any one. If he had believed he had killed a white man he would have fled with Little Crow. The witnesses lied on him. 8. Sna-ma-ne (Tinkling Walker). Convicted of the murder of two persons on the testimony of a boy, an eye-witness. (Statement.) He said he was condemned on the testimony of two German boys. They say he killed two persons. The boys told lies; he was not at the place at all. 9. Rda-in-yan-ka (Rattling Runner). David Faribault swore that prisoner was very active among those who shot at Marsh's men, and that he saw him firing in the battles of the fort, New Ulm, and Wood Lake; that he took a prominent part; was the exhorter, and did all he could to push the others ahead; that, before going to Wood Lake, he ran through the camp, urging the Indians to kill every body and take their goods; and that he made a speech, in which he offered two bunches of wampum, which he displayed, for the first scalp, and two bunches of crow's feathers (very precious) for the scalp of Sibley or of Forbes. Paul and Lorenzo testified that he opposed giving up the white captives. (He was a son-in-law of Wabashaw.) (Statement.) He said he did not know of the uprising on Monday, the 18th of August, until 281
Page 282 282 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. they had killed a number of men. He then went out and met Little Crow, and tried to stop the murders, but could not. The next day his son was brought home wounded from Fort Ridgely. He forbade the delivery up of the white captives to Paul when he de manded them, and he supposed that he was to be hung for that. 10. Do-wan-sa (the Singer) confessed to having been in the battles of New Ulm, the fort, Birch Coolie, and Wood Lake, and on the war party of eight that went to the Swan Lake House, in Nicollet, and committed murders on the road. This was the party which committed one of the outrages detailed in the chapter upon the trials. Godfrey, who first stated the facts which led to the arrest, testified that prisoner told him that there were three women and two men in a wagon, and these were all killed; that he (prisoner) wanted to take one good-looking young woman home, and her mother interfered, and he told the others to shoot the mother, which they did, and, in doing so, wounded the daughter, who fell as if dead. That he went away, and one of the Indians said she wasn't dead; and on his running to her and pulling up her clothes, she jumped up, and another Indian split er head open with his tomahawk. The prisoner confessed that what Godfrey stated was true, only he didn't kill any body. (Statement.) He said he was one of six who were down in the Swan Lake neighborhood. He knew that they killed two men and two women, but this was done by the rest of the party, and not by himself. 11. Hapan (second child if a son). He confessed he was with the war party that killed Patville, and
Page 283 EXECUTION. that he took hold of one of the women by the arm "to save her life." (Statement.) He said he was not in the massacre of New Ulrn nor the agency. He was with the company who killed Patville and his companions. He took one of the women. O-ya-tay-ta-wa killed Patville. Among the others were White Dog, who was said to have given the order to fire on Marsh's men at the Red-Wood ferry (he insisted on his innocence to the last), Cut-nose, Chaska, one of the two who shot George Gleason, and the half-breeds Baptiste Campbell, Henry Milard, and Hippolyte Auge, who was engaged in the murder of the white man opposite Crow's village, and Na-pe-shue, convicted of participating in the massacres, and who boasted of having killed nineteen persons. Those who were simply engaged in battles, with the exception of White Dog, were not included in the order. Mr. Riggs, in closing up his written account of their statements, says: "And now, guilty or not guilty, may God have mercy upon these poor human creatures, and, if it be possible, save them in the other world through Jesus Christ his Son. Amen. "In making these statements, confessions, and denials, they were generally calm; but a few individuals were quite excited. They were immediately checked by others, and told they were all dead men, and there was no reason why they should not tell the truth. Many of them have indited letters to their friends in which they say that they are very dear to them, but will see them no more. They exhort them not to cry or change their dress for them. Some of them say they expect to go and dwell with the Good Spirit, and express the hope that their friends will all join them. 283
Page 284 284 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. "On Tuesday evening they extemporized a dance with a wild Indian song. It was feared that this was only a cover for something else which might be attempted, and their chains were thereafter fastened to the floor. It seems, however, rather probable that they were only singing their death-song. Their friends from the other prison have been in to bid them farewell, and they are now ready to die." Before the execution,Wabashaw's son-in-law (No. 9) dictated the following letter to that chief: " WABASHIAW,-You have deceived me. You told me that if we followed the advice of General Sibley, and gave ourselves up to the whites, all would be well; no innocent man would be injured. I have not killed, wounded, or injured a white man, or any white persons. I have not participated in the plunder of their property; and yet to-day I am set apart for execution, and must die in a few days, while men who are guilty will remain in prison. My wife is your daughter, my children are your grandchildren. I leave them all in your care and under your protection. Do not let them suffer; and when my children are grown up, let them know that their father died because he followed the advice of his chief, and without having the blood of a white man to answer for to the Great Spirit. " My wife and children are dear to me. Let them not grieve for me. Let them remember that the brave should be prepared to meet death; and I will do as becomes a Dakota. "Your son-in-law, RDA-IN-YAN-KA." "On Wednesday, each Indian set apart for execution was permitted to send for two or three of his relatives or friends confined in the same prison for the purpose of bidding them a final adieu, and to carry such messages to absent relatives as each person might be disposed to send. Major Brown was present during the interviews, and describes them as very sad and affecting. Each Indian had some word to send to his parents or family. When speaking of their wives and children almost every one was affected to tears.
Page 285 EXECUTION. "Good counsel was sent to the children. They were in many cases exhorted to an adoption of Christianity and the life of good feeling toward the whites. Most of them spoke confidently of their hopes of salvation. They had been constantly attended by Rev. Dr. Williamson, Rev. Van Ravoux, and Rev. S. R. Riggs, whose efforts in bringing these poor criminals to a knowledge of the merits of the blessed Redeemer had been eminently successful. These gentlemen were all conversant with the Dakota language, and could converse and plead with the Indians in their own tongue. "There is a ruling passion with many Indians, and Tazoo could not refrain from its enjoyment even in this sad hour. Ta-ti-mi-ma was sending word to his relatives not to mourn for his loss. He said he was old, and could not hope to live long under any circumstances, and his execution would not shorten his days a great deal, and dying as he did, innocent of any white man's blood, he hoped would give him a better chance to be saved; therefore he hoped his friends would consider his death but as a removal from this to a better world.' I have every hope,' said he,'of going direct to the abode of the Great Spirit, where I shall always be happy.' This last remark reached the ears of Tazoo, who was also speaking to his friends, and he elaborated upon it in this wise:'Yes, tell our friends that we are being removed from this world over the same path they must shortly travel. We go first, but many of our friends may follow us in a very short time. I expect to go direct to the abode of the Great Spirit, and to be happy when I get there; but we are told that the road is long and the distance great; therefore, as I am slow in all my movements, it will 285
Page 286 286 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. probably take me a long time to reach the end of the journey, and I should not be surprised if some of the young, active men we will leave behind us will pass me on the road before I reach the place of my destination.' "In shaking hands with Red Iron and Akipa, Tazoo said:'Friends, last summer you were opposed to us. You were living in continual apprehension of an attack from those who were determined to exterminate the whites. Yourselves and families were subjected to many taunts, insults, and threats. Still you stood firm in our friendship for the whites, and continually counseled the Indians to abandon their raid against the whites. Your course was condemned at the time, but now you see your wisdom. You were right when you said the whites could not be exterminated, and the attempt indicated folly; you and your families were prisoners, and the lives of all in danger. To-day you are here at liberty, assisting in feeding and guarding us, and thirty-nine men will die in two days because they did not follow your example and advice.' "Several of the prisoners were completely overcome during the leave-taking, and were compelled to abandon conversation. Others again (and Tazoo was one) affected to disregard the dangers of their position, and laughed and joked. apparently as unconcerned as if they were sitting around a camp-fire in perfect freedom. "On Thursday, the women who were employed as cooks for the prisoners, all of whom had relations among the condemned, were admitted to the prison. This interview was less sad, but still interesting.. Locks of hair, blankets, coats, and almost every other
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Page 287 EXECUTION. article in possession of the prisoners, were given in trust for some relative or friend who had been forgotten or overlooked during the interview of the previous day. The idea of allowing women to witness their weakness is repugnant to an Indian, and will account for this. The messages were principally advice to their friends to bear themselves with fortitude and refrain from great mourning. The confidence of many in their salvation was again reiterated. "Late on Thursday night, in company with Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, the reporter visited the building occupied by the doomed Indians. They were quartered on the ground floor of the three-story stone building erected by the late General Leech. "They were all fastened to the floor by chains, two by two. Some were sitting up, smoking and conversing, while others were reclining, covered with blankets and apparently asleep. The three half-breeds and one or two others, only, were dressed in citizens' clothes. The rest all wore the breech-clout, leggins, and blankets, and not a few were adorned with paint. The majority of them were young men, though several were quite old and gray-headed, ranging perhaps toward seventy. One was quite a youth, not over sixteen. They all appeared cheerful and contented, and scarcely to reflect on the certain doom which awaited them. To the gazers, the recollection of how short a time since they had been engaged in the diabolical work of murdering indiscriminately both old and young, sparing neither sex nor condition, sent a thrill of horror through the veins. Now they were perfectly harmless, and looked as innocent as children. They smiled at your entrance, and held out 287
Page 288 288 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. their hands to be shaken, which yet appeared to be gory with the blood of babes. Oh treachery, thy name is Dakota. "Father Ravoux spent the whole night among the doomed ones, talking with them concerning their fate, and endeavoring to impress upon them a serious view of the subject. He met with some success, and during the night several were baptized, and received the communion of the Church. "At daylight the reporter was there again. That good man, Father Ravoux, was still with them; also Rev. Dr. Williamson; and whenever either of these worthy men addressed them, they were listened to with marked attention. The doomed ones wished it to be known among their friends, and particularly their wives and children, how cheerful and happy they all had died, exhibiting no fear of this dread event. To the skeptical it appeared not as an evidence of Christian faith, but a steadfast adherence to their heathen superstitions. "They shook hands with the officers who came in among them, bidding them good-by as if they were going on a long and pleasant journey. They had added some fresh streaks of vermilion and ultramarine to their countenances, as their fancy suggested, evidently intending to fix themselves off as gay as possible for the coming exhibition. They commenced singing their death-song, Tazoo leading, and nearly all joining. It was wonderfully exciting. "At half past seven all persons were excluded from the room except those necessary to help prepare the prisoners for their doom. TUnder the superintendence of Major Brown and Captain Redfield, their irons
Page 289 EXECUTION. were knocked off, and one by one were tied by cords, their elbows being pinioned behind and the wrists in front, but about six inches apart. This operation occupied till about nine o'clock. In the mean time the scene was much enlivened by their songs and conversation, keeping up the most cheerful appearance. As they were; being pinioned, they went round the room shaking hands with the soldiers and reporters, bidding them'good-by,' etc. White Dog requested not to be tied, and said that he could keep his hands down; but of course his request could not be complied with. He said that Little Crow, Young Six, and Big Eagle's brother got them into this war, and now he and others are to die for it. After all were properly fastened, they stood up in a row around the room, and another exciting death-song was sung. They then sat down very quietly, and commenced smoking again. Father Ravoux came in, and after addressing them a few moments, knelt in prayer, reading from a Prayer-book in the Dakota language, which a portion of the condemned repeated after him. During this ceremony nearly all paid the most strict attention, and several were affected even to tears. He then addressed them again, first in Dakota, then in French, which was interpreted by Baptiste Campbell, one of the condemned half-breeds. The caps were then put on their heads. These were made of white muslin taken from the Indians when their camps were captured, and which had fornmed part of the spoils they had taken from the murdered traders. They were made long, and looked like a meal-sack, but, being rolled up, only came down to the forehead, and allowed their painted faces yet to be seen. N 289
Page 290 290 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. "They received these evidences of their near approach to death with evident dislike. When it had been adjusted on one or two, they looked around on the others who had not yet received it with an appearance of shame. Chains and cords had not moved them-their wear was not considered dishonorablebut this covering of the head with a white cap was humiliating. There was no more singing, and but little conversation and smoking now. All sat around the room, most of them in a crouched position, awaiting their doom in silence, or listening to the remarks of Father Ravoux, who still addressed them. Once in a while they brought their small looking-glasses before their faces to see that their countenances yet preserved the proper modicum of paint. The three half-breeds were the most of all affected, and their dejection of countenance was truly pitiful to behold. "At precisely ten o'clock the condemned were marshaled in a procession, and, headed by Captain Redfield, marched out into the street, and directly across through files of soldiers to the scaffold, which had been erected in front, and were delivered to the officer of the day, Captain Burt. They went eagerly and cheerfully, even crowding and jostling each other to be ahead, just like a lot of hungry boarders rushing to dinner in a hotel. The soldiers who were on guard in their quarters stacked arms and followed them, and they, in turn, were followed by the clergy, reporters, etc. "As they commenced the ascent of the scaffold the death-song was again started, and when they had all got up, the noise they made was truly hideous. It seemed as if Pandemonium had broken loose. It had
Page 291 EXECUTION. a wonderful effect in keeping up their courage. One young fellow, who had been given a cigar by one of the reporters just before marching from their quarters, was smoking it on the stand, puffing away very coolly during the intervals of the hideous'Hi-yi-yi,' ' Hi-yi-yi,' and even after the cap was drawn over his face he managed to get it up over his mouth and smoke. Another was smoking his pipe. The noose having been promptly adjusted over the necks of each by Captain Libby, all was ready for the fatal signal. "The solemnity of the scene was here disturbed by an incident which, if it were not intensely disgusting, might be cited as a remarkable evidence of the contempt of death which is the traditional characteristic of the Indian. One of the Indians, in the rhapsody of his death-song, conceived an insult to the spectators which it required an Indian to conceive, and a dirty dog of an Indian to execute. "The refrain of his song was to the effect that if a body was found near New Ulm with his head cut off and placed in a certain indelicate part of the body, he did it.' It is I,' he sung,'it is I;' and suited the action to the word by an indecent exposure of his person, in hideous mockery of the triumph of that justice whose sword was already falling on his head. "The scene at this juncture was one of awful interest. A painful and breathless suspense held the vast crowd, which had assembled from all quarters to witness the execution. "Three s]ow, measured, and distinct beats on the drum by Major Brown, who had been announced as signal officer, and the rope was cut by Mr. Duly (the 291
Page 292 292 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. same who killed Lean Bear, and whose family were attacked)-the scaffold fell, and thirty-seven lifeless bodies were left dangling between heaven and earth. One of the ropes was broken, and the body of R,attling Runner fell to the ground. The neck had probably been broken, as but little signs of life were observed; but he was immediately hung up again. K While the signal-beat was being given, numbers were seen to clasp the hands of their neighbors, which in several instances continued to be clasped till the bodies were cut down. ONe1 OF THE EXECUTED INDIANS.
Page 293 EXECUTION. "As the platform fell, there was one, not loud, but prolonged cheer from the soldiery and citizens who were spectators, and then all were quiet and earnest witnesses of the scene. For so many, there was but little suffering; the necks of all, or nearly all, were evidently dislocated by the fall, and the after struggling was slight. The scaffold fell at a quarter past ten o'clock, and in twenty minutes the bodies had all been examined by Surgeons Le Boutillier, Sheardown, Finch, Clark, and others, and life pronounced extinct. "The bodies were then cut down, placed in four army wagons, and, attended by Company K as a burial-party, and under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, were taken to the grave prepared for them among the willows on the sand-bar nearly in front of the town. They were all deposited in one grave, thirty feet in length by twelve in width, and four feet deep, being laid on the bottom in two rows, with their feet together, and their heads to the outside. They were simply covered with their blankets, and the earth thrown over them. The other condemned Indians were kept close in their quarters, where they were chained, and not permitted to witness the executions. " The forces of the militia were disposed during the time of the execution as follows: Colonel Wilkin, in command of the 9th and several companies of the 6th, present at half past eight, took position in line of battle in front of the scaffold, and also occupied the river front. Colonel Baker, in command of the 10th regiment, took up a position on the north side. Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, in command of four companies of the 7th regiment, took position on the south 293
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Page 294 294 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. side. Lieutenant Colonel Jennison, in command of one company of the 7th and one of the 10th, took position in the yard of the prison, and, after the platform fell, was relieved by Major Bradley, in command of two companies of the o10th. Major Buell, in command of three companies of the Mounted Rangers, disposed of his forces around the forces of infantry. Captain White's mounted company of the 10th regiment acted as patrol guards. The whole force formed a large square, with the scaffold in the centre, from which all persons who had no business within the lines were excluded. The number present is estimated as follows: 6th regiment, under command of Lieutenant Colonel Averill, 200; 7th regiment, Colonel Miller, 425; 9th regiment, Colonel Wilkin, 161; 10th regiment, Colonel Baker, 425; Captain White's mounted men, 35; Mounted Rangers, Major Buell, 273; in all, about 1419 men. "The arrangement for the execution of so many persons at the same instant were most perfect, and great credit is due Colonel Miller for devising, and carrying out so successfully, his well-digested plan. Neither can too much credit be given to Captain Burt, the officer of the day, Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, Major Brown, and Captain Redfield, the provost marshal. "All day and night on Thursday, and on the morning of Friday up to the time of the execution, people were continually arriving to witness the hanging. Troops were constantly coming in from all points, and the streets were densely crowded. The roofs and windows of all buildings in the vicinity, and all other eligible places, were early occupied by anxious spectators, including the sand-bar in the river and the op
Page 295 EXECUTION. posite bank. All was quiet and orderly. Owing to the strict enforcement of martial law, not a single case of drunkenness or disorderly conduct occurred, and after the bodies had been cut down they began to return from the scene, many leaving town immediately. All expressed themselves as satisfied that the execution was being carried out, and there were no threats or apparent wishes to execute summary vengeance on the others." In the spring the other condemned were taken down the Mississippi to Davenport, and are now closely confined. The people desired their execution as an example to other neighboring tribes, and to prevent their again perpetrating other outrages. Perhaps the effect of the first has been obtained by the executions already had; and if the confinement of the others remains secure, they have no complaint to make, although they think a much easier solution of the question, and one consonant with justice, would have been to carry out the sentence of the commission. Soon after, the inmates of the camp at Fort Snelling were removed high up the Missouri, as were also the Winnebagoes, where they were placed upon adjoining reservations. It is a horrible region, filled with the petrified remains of the huge lizards and creeping things of the first days of time. The soil is miserable; rain rarely ever visits it. The game is scarce, and the alkaline waters of the streams and springs are almost certain death. 295
Page 296 296 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. CHAPTER XIX. DEATH OF LITTLE CROW. IN the territory of Dakota, nearly five hundred miles northwest of St. Paul, is the celebrated Miniwakan, or Devil's Lake. It is full sixty-five miles in length, and its waters are salt as those of the ocean. The immediate shores are equally divided between prairie and timber; but a mile beyond, the country is one vast rolling plain, destitute of trees, and dotted over with little lakes of salt water. This inland sea is filled with fish; and gulls, and ocean birds, and flocks of great white swan are continually skimming over its waves. The beach is covered with the petrified remains of Wood, and of the bones of fish and animals.* To this neighborhood Little Crow and his followers, after the defeat at Wood Lake, made their way and encamped, where they were joined by nearly all the Minnesota Sioux who had not surrendered or been captured, numbering some four thousand souls, and by the Yanktonais. During the winter the chief sent presents to many of the Western tribes, and endeavored to enlist them in a general war; and about the first of June went in person to St. Joseph and Fort Garry, in the British possessions, and requested ammunition. It was refused him. When at St. Joseph, Little Crow had on a black * Pioneer and Democrat.
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Page 299 DEATH OF LITTLE CROW. coat, with velvet collar; a breech-clout of broadcloth; a fine ladies' shawl was wrapped around his head, and another knotted around his waist. He had discarded the rifle, and carried in his hand a "seven-shooter," one of the trophies of the last summer's raid. He was aware of the deportation of his friends to the Missouri, of which the white residents there had not yet received the news. A swift-footed "good Indian" had outstripped the mails. Little Crow and sixty of his braves accompanied him to Fort Garry, where they had a "war-dance," after which the chief made a speech, saying " that he considered himself as good as dead, but that he had plenty of warriors yet to rely on, and would not be caught during the summer." He had before been refused a tract of land in the British dominions to settle on, and now the only request he said he had to make was a little ammunition "to kill Americans" with. With the chief were three white captives-young boys-who were liberated by the noble charity of "Father Germaine," a Catholic missionary at St. Joseph. A horse was given as ransom for the two younger, and a horse and two blankets for the eldest. The good priest allowed himself no rest for several days and nights in order to accomplish his charitable object. He gave his all, and ran in debt to obtain the means of their liberation. The following is a letter which he wrote upon the subject to Mr. Joseph le May, the collector of the port at Pembina: " St Joseph, D. T., June 3,1863. "MR. LE MAY,-DEAR SIR,-1I would be most happy to give you many details of my present position, but my occupations do not permit me. I am here continually on the "look-out." I examine the different rumors; I lend a very attentive ear to the Indian meetings, 299
Page 300 300 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. etc. The very murmur of the waters, the rustling of the leaves-in fact, the least noise, rouses my fears. "You are aware that'Petit Corbeau,' with his bloodthirsty reputation, came to pay a visit to our mountain. Still, his attitude is not indeed very sinister. Far from attempting to trouble the peace of the half-breeds, he, on the contrary, seems very anxious to gain their sympathy. I profited by his peaceful disposition to put into execution a design that I had formed some time since. Having heard that those barbarians had torn away from parental affection that which is most dear, I knew that those Sioux had children of civilization under their fierce and tyrannical power. Consequently, in order to rescue those poor children from such slavery, I gave all the money I possessed for their ransom. I dressed them with my own clothing, keeping for myself but what is strictly necessary. "I have my cross and my breviary; thus I feel happy and content. My privations are amply recompensed. My efforts have been crowned with success." A network of fortifications now existed along the whole frontier, garrisoned by two thousand soldiers, and early in June General Sibley, with a force of be tween two and three thousand men, started for Devil's Lake, by way of the Minnesota River and Fort Aber crombie. About the same time, General Sully, with a large body of cavalry, passed up the Missouri to co operate with Sibley, and cut off the retreat of the sav ages. Early in the spring small squads of Indians made their way back to the state, and, penetrating far into the interior through our defensive lines, renewed the massacres of the previous years. They continued their depredations throughout most of the season, kill ing some thirty whites, with a loss of about a dozen of their own number. So bold did they become, that they lighted their camp-fires within twelve miles of St. Paul. The horrible details of the attack upon the Dustin
Page 301 ST. JOSEPH, FROM PEMBINA. I
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Page 303 DEATH OF LITTLE CROW. family, in M'Leod County, show that the outrages were accompanied by all the barbarities of the previous season. The family were traveling in an open lumber box-wagon, and were attacked on Monday, the 29th of June. It was not until the Wednesday following that they were found, and the sight of their decomposed and mangled bodies were truly awful. Amos Dustin, the father, was sitting in the front part of the wagon, dead, with an arrow sticking in his body, and a deep wound in his breast, probably made by a tomahawk or war-club. HIis left hand had been cut off, and carried away by the Indians. Beneath his seat crouched a little child of six years, who had concealed herself there when the attack was made. The life-blood of her father had streamed down, covering her face and clothes, and her shoes were literally filled with the blood that had trickled from the mangled body. She says that the Indians saw her, and looked quite sharply at her, but did not offer violence. It is probable that she is mistaken about this, as she is the only member of the family uninjured, and from the displays we have had of savage ferocity, we should not infer that they would knowingly spare a victim in their power. In another part of the wagon lay the corpse of Mrs. Dustin, the grandmother of the children. An arrow was in her body also, and her head was hanging over the side of the wagon, her long hair disheveled and streaming in the air, filled with the clotted blood that had flowed from her wounds. The mother, and a child twelve years of age, were in the wagon, still alive, but so badly wounded that no hopes are entertained of their recovery. For two 303
Page 304 304 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. days they had lain and suffered beside the dead bodies of their friends, unable to procure sustenance or assistance.* Captain Cody, of the 8th regiment, was shot dead while gallantly leading a small squad of his men to rout a party of the marauders from some bushes where they lay concealed. It was in view of such facts that Adjutant General Malmros offered a reward for every Indian killed, and, with characteristic energy and zeal, organized a band of state scouts for service on the frontier. Commenting on his order for this corps, one of the editors of the St. Paul Press wrote as follows: "While General Sibley's army is moving on, with solemn steps and slow, like a terrific Brobdignag, to crush the Sioux Lilliput under the ponderous heel of strategy, and at the dignified leisure of commissary trains, his nimble adversary is crawling through his legs and running all around him, and with a total disregard of military science, Hiardee's tactics, lines of defense, and all that, are burrowing the country behind him with deadly ambuscades, and reviving all the terrors of Indian warfare along our whole frontier. "A score or two of these copper-faced assassins, multiplying themselves by the swiftness and secrecy of their movements, are apparently more than a match for our whole northwestern army; and a single Indian, lurking in the grass, safely and contemptuously defies our whole system of garrisons and outposts to stop him in his career of murder and mischief; and the humiliating fact stares us in the face, that after all our vast and elaborate preparations to rid the state of * St. Paul Press.
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Post by denney on Aug 1, 2006 21:57:33 GMT -5
Page 305 _____ p ut-ill lllilllllIl "II-"' ~~~~; \ \\\ \ FORT GARPFY.
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Page 307 DEATH OF LITTLE CROW. these infernal red devils, our frontier settlements, except some few fortified villages, are almost as defenseless against the peculiar modes of Indian warfare as if we hadn't a single military guard in the state. "The state authorities have at last come to the conclusion that there is no sort of use in trying to catch this sort of vermin with horse-rakes, and that henceforth we must try the virtue of fine-tooth combs. The general order of the adjutant general for a corps of scouts is intended to supply the inherent defects of the regular military organizations, and to follow and hunt Indians wherever they can find them, without regard to bases of supplies or the necessities of a regular service." Little Crow's manner at St. Joseph's on the 1st of June, in speaking of his foe, was haughty and defiant, and he said, if General Sibley desired to know his whereabouts, he would find him soon at Yellow Medicine. On Friday evening, July 3d, as Mr. Lampson and his son Chauncey were traveling along the road, six miles north of Hutchinson, they discovered two Indians. The ground where the Indians were discovered is a little prairie opening in the woods, interspersed with clumps of bushes and vines, and a few scattering poplars. The Indians were picking berries, and did not discover the Messrs. L. Concealing themselves immediately, Mr. L., after reflecting a moment on the best course to be pursued, taking advantage of the cover offered by a poplar surrounded with bushes and vines, crept quietly forward until he reached the tree. Steadying his gun against the tree, and taking delib 307
Page 308 308 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. erate aim, he fired. The Indian instantly threw back his hands with a yell, and fell backward to the ground, severely wounded. Not knowing how many Indians there might be, Mr. L. thought best to retreat a little, to obtain the shelter of some bushes. In doing this, he had to pass over a little knoll. The wounded Indian crept after to obtain a shot at Mr. L., who was still partially shielded by the poplartree and vines. In crossing the little knoll just referred to, Mr. L. was obliged to expose himself, and both Indians and Chauncey L. fired simultaneously. Chauncey's ball instantly killed the wounded Indian; the Indian's ball whistled close by Chauncey's cheek, while a buckshot from the other Indian's gun struck Mr. L. on the left shoulder-blade, making a fleshwounfl perhaps two inches and a half in length. The other Indian then mounted his horse and rode rapidly away. Mr. L. dropped when the shot struck him, and Chauncey, thinking his father was killed, and not knowing how many Indians there might be around them, and having no more ammunition, his father, who was at some distance from him, having the ammunition, now thought it best to retreat and give the alarm. IHe reached Hutchinson about ten o'clock at night with the exciting news, and in a short time a squad of Company E, accompanied by a number of the citizens, were marching rapidly toward the scene of the recent conflict, while others of the troops and citizens started immediately to warn the citizens of Cedar Settlement to be on their guard, and others went to Lake Preston for a squad of cavalry. But we must now return to Mr. L., whom we left
Page 309 DEATH OF LITTLE CROW. wounded on the field. Mr. L., after being wounded, crawled into the bushes, and, secreting himself, reloaded his gun, drew his revolver, and waited for the Indian to come on. Thus he waited for some time. After remaining in his concealment until he could profit by the cover of coming night, he laid aside his gun, threw off his white shirt, lest it might lead to his discovery by prowling Indians, and, after a circuitous and toilsome march, reached home at two o'clock on Saturday morning.* The detachment of cavalry immediately visited the spot, and found the dead body, and tore off the scalp. The Indian was above the medium height, and between fifty and sixty years of age. His hair was sprinkled with gray; his front teeth were double, like the back ones, and both arms were deformed; the bones of the right arm had been broken and never set, which precluded the use of the hand, and the other arm was withered. The body was carried to Hutchinson, and formed the centre of attraction for several hours. It was then carried a little distance below the village, and thrown into a pit used as a receptacle for the bones and offal of slaughtered cattle. About a week afterward the head was pushed off with a stick, and left lying on the prairie for several days, the brains oozing out in the broiling sun. It was afterward picked up and deposited in a kettle of lime preparatory to a process to render it suitable for a place in the rooms of the Historical Society, and the body was thrown into the river, to remain until the flesh sloughed off, and the bones were in a condition for preservation. * Correspondence of the St. Paul Press. 309
Page 310 310 TIE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. The remains thus unceremoniously treated were those of the foremost hunter and orator among the Sioux. He was one who had been forced into the war by circumstances against his own better judgment and desires, yet who did not slink from responsibility by a cowardly denial of the part he had taken, but boldly classed himself among the worst, and justified their acts even when fortune pressed him sorest, saying in his letter to Sibley, "If the young braves have pushed the whites, I have done it myself." The remains were those of Tah-o-ah-ta-doo-ta (his scarlet people), or Little Crow,* who had made his promise to return to the settlements good, and died in the land of his fathers before the extermination of his race, following up his foe like a warrior and brave of the Dakota. The Indian who escaped was his son Wa-wi-nap-a (one who appeareth). He was picked up by a party of soldiers nearly a month after, in a half starved'condition, near Devil's Lake. This is the statement which Wa-wi-nap-a made in reference to his father, and the manner of his death, and his own flight: "I am the son of Little Crow; my name is Wa-winap-a; I am sixteen years old; my father had two wives before he took my mother; the first one had one son, the second a son and daughter; the third wife was my mother. After taking my mother he put away the first two; he had seven children by my * Little Crow was a nickname bestowed upon the chief's grandfather by the Chippeways from wearing a crow's skin upon his breast, and the name descended to his grandson. Little Crow formerly lived at Kaposia, four miles below St. Paul, and his band was called the Lightfoot Band.
Page 311 DEATH OF LITTLE CROW. mother; six are dead; I am the only one living now: the fourth wife had four children born; do not know whether any died or not; two were boys and two were girls: the fifth wife had five children; three of them are dead, two are living: the sixth wife had three children; all of them are dead; the eldest was a boy, the other two were girls: the last four wives were sisters. "Father went to St. Joseph last spring. When we were coming back he said he could not fight the white men, but would go below and steal horses from them and give them to his children, so that they could be comfortable, and then he would go away off. "Father also told me that he was getting old, and wanted me to go with him to carry his bundles. He left his wives and other children behind. There were sixteen men and one squaw in the party that went below with us. We had no horses, but walked all the way down to the settlements. Father and I were picking red berries near' Scattered Lake' at the time he was shot. It was near night. He was hit the first time in the side, just above the hip. His gun and mine were lying on the ground. He took up my gun and fired it first, and then fired his own. He was shot the second time when he was firing his own gun. The ball struck the stock of his gun, and then hit him in the side, near the shoulder. This was the shot that killed him. He told me that he was killed, and asked me for water, which I gave him. He died immediately after. When I heard the first shot fired, I lay down, and the man did not see me before father was killed. "A short time before father was killed, an Indian 311
Page 312 312 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. named Hi-u-ka, who married the daughter of my father's second wife, came to him. He had a horse with him-also a gray-colored coat that he had taken from a man that he had killed to the north of where father was killed. Hie gave the coat to father, telling him he might need it when it rained, as he had no coat with him. Hi-u-ka said he had a horse now, and was going back to the Indian country. "The Indians that went down with us separated. Eight of them and the squaw went north, the other eight went farther down. I have not seen any of them since after father was killed. I took both guns and the ammunition, and started to go to Devil's Lake, where I expected to find some of my friends. When I got to Beaver Creek I saw the tracks of two Indians, and at Standing Buffalo's village saw where the eight Indians that had gone north had crossed. "I carried both guns as far as the Cheyenne River, where I saw two men. I was scared, and threw my gun and the ammunition down. After that I traveled only in the night, and as I had no ammunition to kill any thing to eat, I had not strength enough to travel fast. I went on until I arrived near Devil's Lake, when I staid in one place three days, being so weak and hungry that I could go no farther. I had picked up a cartridge near Big Stone Lake, which I still had with me, and loaded father's gun with it, cutting the ball into slugs; with this charge I shot a wolf; ate some of it, which gave me strength to travel, and I went on up the lake until the day I was captured, which was twenty-six days from the day my father was killed."
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Page 313 ADVENTURE OF BRACKETT AND FREEMAN. 313 CIIAPTER XX. THRILLING AND FATAL ADVENTURE OF MESSRS. BRACKETT AND FREEMAN. ON the morning of July 20th, General Sibley, leaving a portion of his forces at Camp Atcheson, near Devil's Lake, pushed on toward the Missouri Couteau with 1400 infantry and 500 cavalry. On the fourth day, two members of the expedition, unsuspicious of danger, strayed away from the column. The exciting adventure which they met with is detailed by Mr. Brackett, the survivor, as follows: " We left camp on the 24th at the usual time, about five o'clock A.M., the first battalion Minnesota Mounted Rangers in the rear. Lieutenant Ambrose Freeman, Company D, said to me several times that whenever I had a chance to go to the flank, he wanted to go with me. Soon as I had my cattle started, I went to Captain Taylor, and told him if he could spare Captain Freeman, we wanted to go out on the flank a little way. I left the main column about two miles out from camp, struck off to the left, and went on to a range of hills which was estimated to be about five miles from the main column. Saw three scouts out about the same distance. After getting there we struck a parallel course, and supposed we were going in the same direction as the main body. We watered our horses in a lake. Saw two other scouts on the opposite side of the lake. We then went still farther 0
Page 314 314 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. on, over one range of bluffs, probably about three quarters of a mile. We followed along parallel, or perhaps a little to the left of the main body, a distance of three miles. "Lieutenant Freeman saw three antelope, an old and two young ones. We fired and wounded the old one. She then made off. I had the lieutenant's horse, and he followed her on foot, which took us off our course some way round the bluffs. We got into a section of country by a large lake, and succeeded in killing the antelope near the lake. "As we were coming down toward the lake, and while the lieutenant was creeping up toward the antelope, I saw some scouts on the opposite side of the lake, the train in sight on the side hill several miles distant. Instead of taking our course back, we had a curiosity to go around the lake to where we saw the scouts. We saw cherry-bushes newly cut and piled up. I set out to tear them down. Lieutenant Freeman persisted in saying they were Indian signs, and Indians were there. We cocked our rifles, and made around the bushes, so as not to put ourselves in a too exposed condition. We then took our course, as we supposed, toward the train, or where the train had passed. " Between one and two o'clock we discovered three objects a long distance off, between us and the train's course, and making toward the train. This action, as soon as we came near enough to judge, convinced us that they were Indians. Yet we still kept toward them, and they were making preparations to meet us, one leading and the other two riding their horses. We got all ready to give them a trial, they creeping around
Page 315 ADVENTURE OF BRAiCKETT AND FREEMAN. 315 on one side of the bluff, and we creeping around to meet them. I saw one raise. He had a straw hat on, and I recognized him as one of our scouts. He beckoned us to come toward him. Fromn all the description that I had of him, I supposed him to be' Chaska;' the other two were full - blooded Sioux. Both had government horses, and armed, one with a Springfield rifle, the other with a carbine. I asked him where General Sibley was. They pointed to a hill, I should judge, three miles distant from where we stood, in the direction where the train passed. "I saw a large number of men on a bluff, judged to be about two hundred in number, whom I supposed to be General Sibley's men (in camp), looking upon us. We all at once started direct for them. About the time we started we saw what we supposed to be a guard of cavalry start toward us. After we started the scouts turned to a little lake to water their horses; ours being previously watered, we did not go with them. We still saw the cavalry (as we supposed) coming, about fifteen in number. "I remarked to Lieutenant Freeman that they must have turned back, as they had disappeared and were out of sight. We were soon surprised by seeing fifteen Indians charging upon us with a flag of truce. As we whirled, they fired a volley upon us. I yelled to the scouts that they were Indians. I remarked to Lieutenant Freeman that we had better put for the scouts. When we got within twenty or twenty-five rods of the scouts, we were riding about three rods apart. One Indian rode up to Lieutenant Freeman and put an arrow through his back, on the left side, and at the same time another Indian dismounted and
Page 316 316 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. discharged his gun at me. I laid low on my horse's neck, as close as I possibly could, and' Chaska' stepped up to the top of a knoll and fired once at the Indian who fired at me. As Lieutenant Freeman dropped from his horse, I asked him if he was hurt. IHe replied,'I am gone.' He wished me to cut a piece of string which was around his neck, and supported a part of the antelope which he was carrying. As I cut the string he changed his position more on his side, and rested more up-hill. He asked faintly for water. The scouts had then mounted their horses and left us. The Indians were then all around us, one at the side of the lake. As the scouts ran toward them they fell back. I then took Lieutenant Freeman's rifle and revolver and followed the scouts. Lieutenant Freeman, to all appearance, was dead. The Indian mentioned, seeing the lieutenant's horse, which followed me, left us and broke for the horse. In that way it allowed me to overtake the scouts. He succeeded in catching the horse. Then the whole crowd started after us again. We rode about four miles, when we were surrounded by them again by the side of a little marsh. We all jumped off our horses. The scouts made motions and ran up to meet them, and' Chaska' motioned for me to jump into the tall rushes on the marsh. I saw nothing more of the scouts. The Indians all rushed down to where the horses were. I cocked my rifle, and lay in the rushes within ten feet of them. They got into a wrangle about the horses. They presently started off, I suppose from fear of being overtaken by our forces, taking a course around the marsh. I lay there about an hour. By accident in putting down the hammer of my rifle, it went off. This was
Page 317 ADVENTURE OF BRACKETT AND FREEMAN. 317 about three P.M. There was a shower. After it cleared off I immediately started a course with the sun at my back, and traveled two hours. I followed this direction two days, stopping in marshes during the nighttime. I struck a river at night of the second day. It was clear water, running in a southerly direction, and a quarter of a mile in width. "Next morning I struck from there due south, and traveled that day until almost night; then took a westerly course, concluding that the trail was not in that direction; traveled a little north of west, and struck General Sibley's trail the afternoon of the third day, about twelve miles from where we camped the night before I left the main column, and made the camp that night. I started next morning for Camp Atcheson, and made it in two days. Arrived here the. second night, between eight and nine o'clock, making the distance of the four camps in two days-bbareheaded, barefooted, and without a coat. I was obliged to leave my rifle on the last day of my travel, not having sufficient strength to carry it any farther. "About ten miles before reaching Camp Atcheson I sat down to rest, and had such difficulty in getting under way again that I determined to stop no more, feeling sure that once again down I should never be able to regain my feet unaided. I entered the camp near the camp-fire of a detachment of the'Pioneers' (Captain Chase's company of the 9th Minnesota Infantry), and fell to the ground, unable to rise again. But, thank God! around that fire were sitting some St. Anthony friends, among whom were Messrs. M'Mullen and Whittier, attached to that company, who kindly picked me up and carried me to my tent.
Page 318 318 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. "I lost my coat, hat, and knife in the fight on the first day. I took Lieutenant Freeman's knife, and with it made moccasins of my boot-legs, my boots so chafing my feet in walking that I could not wear them. These moccasins were constantly getting out of repair, and my knife was as much needed to keep them in order for use as to make them in the first place. But just before reaching the trail of the expedition on the fifth day I lost Lieutenant Freeman's knife. This loss, I felt at the time, decided my fate, if I had much farther to go; but kind Providence was in my favor, for almost the first object that greeted my eyes upon reaching the trail was a knife, old and worn to be sure, but priceless to me. This incident some may deem a mere accident; but let such a one be placed in my situation at that time, and he would feel with me that it was a boon granted by the Great Giver of good. On the third day, about ten miles from the river spoken of, I left Lieutenant Freeman's rifle on the prairie, becoming too weak to carry it longer; besides, it had already been so damaged by rain that I could not use it. I wrote upon it that Lieutenant Freeman had been killed, and named the course I was then pursuing. I brought the pistol into Camp Atcheson. "While wandering I lived on cherries, roots, birds' eggs, young birds, and frogs, caught by hand, all my ammunition but one cartridge having spoiled by the rain on the first day. That cartridge was one for Smith's breech-loading carbine, and had a gutta-percha case. I had also some water-proof percussion caps in my porte-monnaie. I took one half the powder in the cartridge and a percussion cap, and with
Page 319 ADVENTURE OF BRACKETT AND FREEMAN. 319 the pistol and some dry grass started a nice fire, at which I cooked a young bird, something like a loon, and about the size. This was on the second night. On the fourth I used the remainder of the cartridge in the same way and for a like purpose. The rest of the time I ate my food uncooked, except some hard bread (found at the fourth camp mentioned above), which had been fried and then thrown into the ashes. I have forgotten one sweet morsel (and all were sweet and very palatable to me), viz., some sinews spared by the wolves from a buffalo carcass. As near as I am able to judge, I traveled in the seven days at least two hundred miles. I had ample means for a like journey in civilized localities, but for the first time in my life found gold and silver coin a useless thing. My bootleg moccasins saved me; for a walk of ten miles upon such a prairie, barefooted, would stop all farther progress of any person accustomed to wear covering upon the feet. The exposure at night, caused more particularly by lying in low and wet places in order to hide myself, was more prostrating to me than scarcity of food. The loneliness of the prairies would have been terrible in itself but for the drove of wolves that, after the first day, hovered, in the daytime, at a respectful distance, and in the night howled closely around me, seemingly sure that my failing strength would soon render me an easy prey. But a merciful Providence has spared my life by what seems now, even to my self, almost a miracle." The body of Lieutenant Freeman was afterward found by members of General Sibley's main force and buried. An arrow had pierced his breast, and the tomahawk and scalping-knife had left bloody traces
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Page 320 320 TiE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. about his head.* They buried him on the desolate plain, five hundred miles away from the loved wife and children who bemoan his sad and untimely fate. * Correspondence of the Pioneer and Democrat. LONE PRAIRIE GR~AVE,
Page 321 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. CHAPTER XXI. THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. THE BATTLE OF THE BIG MOUND. "ON the 24th of July, about one o'clock, as the expedition under General Sibley was moving along the western base of a great hill or ridge of the Couteau Missouri, scouts who were in the advance returned with the report that the force was in the immediate vicinity of a large camp of Indians. Other scouts came who had seen the Indians, and believed them to be preparing in great numbers for battle; that they were then collecting in the rocky ravines and behind the ridges of the great hill. Soon the Indians were seen on the Big Mound, the highest peak of the hill. The train was turned off to the right a little way, and corraled on a salt lake. "Details of men were made to throw up intrenchments, so that a small number of men could defend the train and camp while the main force should be engaged elsewhere. The camp was encircled by the several regiments, with the artillery placed at intervals between. The Big Mound was directly east of camp, a mile and a quarter distant; a succession of hills, or the broken side of the big hill, rising from the camp to the Big Mound. There was a ravine directly east of camp which extended nearly to the Big Mound. "The 6th regiment was placed on the north side 02 321
Page 322 322 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. of the corral, its left resting on the lake; the 10th regiment next to the 6th, fronting northeast, and to the left of the ravine; the 7th regiment on the right of the o10th, fronting east and southeast on the ravine; the cavalry on the south side of the camp, with its right flank on the lake. "These dispositions had hardly been made before the report of fire-arms was heard on the hill directly in front of the 7th regiment. Some of the scouts had gone part way up the hill, and were talking with the Indians. Dr. Weiser, surgeon of the Mounted Rangers, joined them, and shook hands with one or two Indians whom he had probably known at Shakopee. One Indian advanced and shot him through the heart. He fell and died without speaking a word. The scouts fired, and the Indians fell back behind the ridge, returning the fire, one shot taking effect upon scout Solon Stevens, of Mankato. It proved to be but a slight wound in the hip. The ball had first passed through his rubber blanket, which was rolled up on his saddle. An ambulance was promptly sent out, which met the body of Dr. Weiser being brought in on a horse. "The first battalion of cavalry-Captain Taylor, Wilson, and Anderson's companies-was promptly ordered to the scene of Dr. Weiser's death, where the scouts were skirmishing with the Indians. They found the ground so broken that they dismounted and sent their horses back to camp. Major Bradley, with Captains Stevens and Gilfillan's companies of the 7th, were ordered to the support of the cavalry. The general, with a 6-pounder, advanced to a hill on the left of the ravine, and began to shell the Indians at the
Page 323 THE BATTLES OF THE MISSOURI. head of the ravine and about the Big Mound. Captain Edgerton's company of the 10th supported the 6-pounder. "The 6th regiment was deployed on the foot-hills in front of its line, to the north and northeast of camp, Captain Banks's company of the 7th on the right of the 6th regiment. Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, with the remaining five companies of the 7th regiment, Captains Kennedy,Williston, Hall, Carter, and Arnold, advanced up the ravine toward the Big Mound, and deployed on the left of the dismounted cavalry and Major Bradley's line. "The artillery, under the immediate direction of the general, drove the Indians out from the head of the ravine and from about the Big Mound. They fell back to the table-land east of the mound, and into the broken ridges and ravines southward. They had come from that quarter, their camp being formed around the hill about five miles ahead. "The shelling they received near the Big Mound prevented their getting around to the northward in any considerable numbers. They were massed on the broken ground to the south of the mound. "The line of the 7th regiment and the three com panies of cavalry named advanced steadily and rapid ly, pouring a constant fire into the Indians, which reached them before their shorter range guns could have any effect on our troops. The left of the 7th crossed the summit range just to the right of the mound, and, flanking the right of the Indians, swept around to the southward, and pursued them through the ridges and ravines on the east of the range, while Major Bradley, and Captains Taylor and Anderson, 323
Page 324 324 TIlE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. pressed them hotly on the west side. Captain Wilson, of the cavalry, crossed to the right of the mound, and pursued some Indians that separated from the main body and retreated more directly eastward. "The Indians were thus pursued three or four miles, and until they were completely dislodged and driven from the hills to a broad plain southward. They would try to hold ridge after ridge, and to cover themselves in the ravines, but the better weapons of the whites were too much for them. They were sparing of ammunition, and probably not over half had firearms. Their number exceeded a thousand warriors. "As they were precipitately retreating down the ravines, toward the plain, after the last stand, two companies of cavalry, Captain Austin's and Lieutenant Barton's, under the immediate command of Colonel M'Phaill, took the advance and charged the Indians, doing execution. Corporal Hazlep was shot in the shoulder by an Indian he was riding on to. Colonel M'Phaill thrust his sabre through the Indian. It was here that a stroke of lightning killed Private John Murphy, of Company B, and his horse, and stunned another cavalryman. Colonel M'Phaill's grasp was loosened on his sword by the shock. IHe thought a shell had fallen among them. This momentarily checked the charge and rendered it less effective, the Indians getting out on the plain, where their immense numbers deterred any farther charge until the cavalry could be re-enforced. "Lieutenant Colonel Marshall had left his line for a moment, and, taking care of Colonel M'Phaill's right flank, charged down the hill with the Rangers. In an effort to cut off some Indians to the right, he got
Page 325 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. into rather close quarters with some of them. The thunder-stroke checked the cavalrymen that he thought were following him in the dash. He wheeled his horse in time to avoid a single-handed encounter with a dozen warriors. "While the dismounted companies of cavalry were getting their horses from camp, and Captains Rubles, Davey, and Lieutenant Johnson's companies, that had been on the right of the hill with Major Bradley, were being formed for the pursuit, the Indians had got three or four miles away. Their families had been started ahead, and the warriors were covering the rear of the train. The cavalry pursued, and the 7th regiment followed on. Lieutenant Whipple's section of the battery was sent forward, and Company B, of the 10th, to support it. The cavalry reached the Indians before dark, and made five successive charges on their rear, killing a great number. The battery and the 7th regiment were not up in time to take a hand. "The Indians fought desperately. One stalwart warrior, with an American flag wrapped around him theatrically, fired twice while the cavalry were within twenty rods charging upon him, his balls taking effect in the overcoat and saddle of Private Green, and rubber blanket of Carlson, of Company F. The Indian got the powder down, but not the ball, for the third load, which he discharged at the breast of Archy M'Nee, of Company F, of course without effect. He then clubbed his gun and struck Carlson, nearly unhorsing him. A dozen carbine balls were put into him, and then he had to be sabred to finish him. "Gustaf Stark, of Company B, was killed in one of these charges, and Andrew Moore dangerously, if not mortally wounded. 325
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Page 326 326 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. "The cavalry boys took twenty-one scalps in this charge. "Colonel M'Phaill had told them that it was very barbarous to take scalps, but that he wouldn't believe any man had killed an Indian unless he showed the hair, and enough of it, so that two locks couldn't be taken from the same head.* "The trail of the Indians was strewed with tons of dried buffalo meat, pemmican, robes, and undressed buffalo skins, besides camp furniture. It was a wild flight, in which they abandoned every thing that impeded them. Much of this stuff they left in camp. "The 7th regiment, with Company B of the 10th, had reached a point ten or twelve miles from camp, the artillery a point farther advanced, while Colonel M'Phaill was engaged fifteen miles from camp. Darkness came on, and Colonel Marshall ordered a bivouac of his men and Captain Edgerton's company of the 10th. Guards were posted, and the exhausted men had lain down to sleep, when Colonel M'Phaill returned on his way to camp, having received an order not to pursue after dark, and-mistakenly delivered-to return to camp. The general intended to leave it discretionary with Colonel M'Phaill to bivouac or return to camp accordingly as he might have got many miles *In all Indian wars the whites have taken scalps. The Massachusetts government paid from fifteen to two hundred pounds for every scalp. Hannah Dustin, her boy, and a nurse, of Haverhill, killed and scalped ten of their Indian captors on an island in the Merrimac, and escaped with a bag full of their bloody trophies. In the Black Hawk war the United States paid the Sioux a reward for every Sauk and Fox scalp taken. This mutilation was not adopted as retaliation, but to obtain the infallible evidence of the death of the murderers.
Page 327 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. away or be near to camp. The infantry joined the cavalry and artillery, and marched until daylight the next morning before reaching camp, having been twenty-four hours marching or fighting, and since ten o'clock in the morning without water. "The general was just ready to leave camp with the other forces, but the exhausted condition of the men and cavalry horses that had been out all night precluded the march that day. This unfortunate mistake delayed the pursuit two days, for it required the next day's march, the 26th, to reach the point of the cavalry fight of the night of the 24th." THE BATTLE OF DEAD BUFFALO LAKE. " Camp was moved on the 25th three miles, on to the great hill where a pond of fresh water and grass was found. Murphy's and Stark's bodies were buried at Camp Sibley, below the hill; Dr. Weiser's was buried at Camp Whitney, on the hill. "The march was resumed on the 26th, and Dead Buffalo Lake reached about noon. The Indians were seen in the distance advancing toward us. It was not known that there was any good camping place within reach that day ahead, and it was decided to go into camp on the lake. "Lieutenant Whipple's 6-pounders were advanced to a hill half a mile in advance toward the Indians, and the 6th regiment was deployed forward to support the battery and engage the Indians. "The Indians circled around, got on the high knolls and ridges, and took observations, but seemed indisposed to commence hostilities. The artillery shelled them when they ventured near enough, and the 327
Page 328 328 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. skirmishers gave them shots when they approached any where near the camp. " Thus some hours passed without the Indians developing their purpose. A large portion of them kept out of sight. Finally, about three o'clock, a mounted force of Indians suddenly dashed in on the north side of the camp, where mules had been turned out to graze, and where teamsters were getting grass. "They had almost reached them, when Captain Wilson's and Davey's companies of cavalry-the latter under Lieutenant Kidder-putting their horses to the jump, dashed upon the Indians, and so dismayed them that they wheeled their ponies to escape, but not in time to escape the carbine shots, followed by the revolver and sabre, that left a goodly number of the red warriors on the field. Some of the scouts did good service in this charge. "One wounded Indian tried to escape by seizing his horse's tail; but, unfortunately for him, the pony got a shot in the shoulder. John Platt, of Company L, dashed up to finish the Indian with his revolver, but it didn't go off, and before he could check his horse he was upon the Indian, who had reserved a shot in his gun, which he fired into the thigh and bowels of poor Platt, giving him his death-wound. Joe Campbell, one of the scouts, tried to save Platt, but it was too late. Campbell's shot, fired at the same instant that the Indian fired the fatal shot at Platt, went through the vitals of the savage and finished him. Platt's comrades, exasperated at his mortal wound, tore the Indian's scalp from his head before he was dead. "A part of the 6th regiment, under Major M'Laren,
Page 329 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. had returned to camp, and was on their color line, on the side where the Indians made the dash. They promptly advanced to the support of the cavalry, and took a hand in. Thus the 6th, among the infantry regiments, on this day did the fighting. The cavalry and artillery, in this as in the previous and subsequent engagement, had always their full share of work. The Indians appeared on the south side of the camp, out of range, but made no farther attack." THE BATTLE OF STONY LAKE. "The march was resumed on the 27th, and the trail, still marked by robes and other articles, was followed toward the Missouri River. "After a march of nearly twenty miles, camp was pitched on a small lake half a mile long and twenty rods wide. " On the morning of the 28th, just as the rear of the train was filing around the south end of the lake, the advance being nearly to the top of a long hill, the Indians suddenly made their appearance in front and on the flanks, rapidly circling around to the rear. They were in immense numbers, seemingly all mounted. "Major Joe Brown, guide, and some of the scouts, who were in advance, narrowly escaped being captured. The 10th regiment, Colonel Baker, which was in the advance, promptly and gallantly met the attack in front, which was the first demonstration of the Indians. The artillery was quickly brought into play, and the savages drew back to a safe distance. Colonel Crooks,* with the 6th regiment, on the right flank, * Colonel Crooks is a prompt, first-class officer, who received his 329
Page 330 330 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. held them at bay and effectually guarded the train, while the cavalry on the left, and the 7th regiment and cavalry in the rear, presented an unassailable line. The Indians got partly under cover of broken ground at the south end of the lake, but were soon dislodged by the fire of Lieutenant Western's section of the battery and a line of skirmishers of the 7th. One shot from an Indian, evidently aimed at Colonel Marshall while he was locating a howitzer, struck the ground at his feet. The most determined effort, however, to make a breach was in front, and was fairly resisted by the 10th regiment, so that it had its day of fighting. "The Indians, as they came on at first, were heard to say,' It is too late, it is too late,' evidently having expected to surprise the force in camp. Another Indian answered,'We must fight for our children.' "After seeing that the proper dispositions had been made for guarding the train, the general ordered the column to move forward regardless of the Indians. The Indians, seeing the purpose of the whites to press on toward their families, quickly withdrew, the whole demonstration not delaying the march over two hours. "General Sibley, Major Brown, and others, estimated the number of Indians this day at over two thousand. In the battle of Big Mound were all the Lower Indians, the Sissetons, and part of the Yanktonais. In the last day's fight, that of Stony Lake, they had been re-enforced by another camp of Yanktonais, and some Tetons from the west side of the Missouri River. The whites captured a Teton boy who had no gun, and was subsequently released at the Missouri military education at West Point. His knowledge and experience were of great avail upon the expeditions of 1862 and 1863.
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Post by denney on Aug 1, 2006 21:59:53 GMT -5
Page 331 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. River. This Teton and an old squaw were the only prisoners taken in battle or near a battle. The supplications for life of the wretches when they had fired their last shot were generally met by a sabre-thrust that finished them." SKIRMISH ON THE MISSOURI. "No more Indians were encountered until the banks of the Missouri were reached on the morning of the 29th. The Indians had made good use of the night, and got their families and ponies over. Their wagons, to the number of over one hundred, and a remnant of their plunder that had not been strewn along the route of their flight, was left on the east bank of the river. The Indians crowded the bluffs on the west side. "The 6th regiment, then in the advance, advanced, deployed as skirmishers, through the woods a mile and a half to the river. As they were starting to return, a heavy volley, that came from the high grass on the opposite bank, fell harmless about them or short of them. They stopped a moment to return it, but the distance was too great for effect. "While Colonel Crooks was at the river, the general sent an order by Lieutenant Beever, aid-de-camp. On his return with an answer, Lieutenant Beever mistook a trail that led down the river, where his body was found next day pierced by three arrows and a ball. IHe had also wounds from a tomahawk on his head. His horse lay near him. Two pools of blood twenty paces from his body indicated that two of his murderers had paid dearly for his life. On the same trail was found the body of Private Nicholas Miller, 331
Page 332 332 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. of Company K, 6th regiment, who had made the same mistake in taking the trail that Beever had. " Two days were passed in camp at the mouth of Apple Creek, on the Missouri, opposite Burnt Boot Island, and then the homeward march was resumed. The expedition had but fifteen days' rations, nine or ten of which would be consumed in returning to (amp Atcheson. It would take two or three days to cross the Missouri, so that all the surplus would have been consumed in crossing and recrossing the river. "The animals were completely worn down. Over twelve miles a day could not be made on the scanty feed they were getting. It would therefore have been useless to go farther. Much had been accomplished. Forty-four bodies of warriors had been found, many more carried off and concealed. The season's supplies of meat and clothing material, and their wagons, were destroyed. The howlings of the squaws that came across the river told the tale of their misery and despair."* It was hoped that General Sully would have arrived in time to co-operate with General Sibley, but no indications of his whereabouts could then be ascertained. General Sibley, after the battles, caused the following order to be read on dress parade: Copy of General Orders No. 51. " To the Officers and Soldiers of the Expeditionary Force in Camp: "It is proper for the brigadier general commanding to announce to you that the march to the west and * The account of these battles, as furnished by Lieutenant Colonel Marshall, is taken from the St. Paul Press.
Page 333 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. north is completed, and that to-morrow the column will move homeward, to discharge such other duties connected with the objects of the expedition on the way as may from time to time present themselves. "In making this announcement, General Sibley expresses also his high gratification that the campaign has been a complete success. The design of the government in chastising the savages, and thereby preventing for the future the raids upon the frontier, has been fully accomplished. You have routed the miscreants who murdered our people last year, banded as they were with the Upper Sioux to the number of nearly 2000 warriors, in three successive engagements, with heavy loss, and driven them in confusion and dismay across the Missouri River, leaving behind them all their provisions, vehicles, and skins designed for clothing, which have been destroyed. Forty-four bodies of warriors have been found, and many others concealed or taken away, according to the custom of these savages, so that it is certain that they have lost in killed and wounded not less than from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty men. All this has been accomplished with the comparatively trifling loss on our part of three killed and as many wounded. You have marched nearly six hundred miles from St. Paul, and the powerful bands of the Dakotas, who have heretofore held undisputed possession of these great prairies, have succumbed to your valor and discipline, and sought safety in flight. The intense heat and drouth have caused much suffering, which you have endured without a murmur. The companies of the 6th, 7th, 9th, and 10th regiments of Minnesota Volunteers, First Minnesota Mounted Ran 333
Page 334 334 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. gers, and the sections of the battery, have amply sustained the reputation of the state by their bravery and endurance amid unknown dangers and great hardships. Each has had opportunity to distinguish itself against a foe at least equal in numbers to itself. "It would be a gratification if these remorseless savages could have been pursued and utterly extirpated, for their crimes and barbarities merited such a full measure of punishment; but men and animals are alike exhausted after so long a march, and a farther pursuit would only be futile and hopeless. The military results of the campaign have been fully accomplished; for the savages have not only been destroyed in great numbers, and their main strength broken, but their prospects for the future are hopeless indeed, for they can hardly escape starvation during the coming winter. "It is peculiarly gratifying to the brigadier general commanding to know that the tremendous fatigues and manifold dangers of the expedition thus far have entailed so small a loss of life on his command. A less careful policy than that adopted might have effected the destruction of more of the enemy, but that could only have been done by a proportional exposure on our part, and the consequent loss of many more lives, bringing sorrow and mourning to our own homes. Let us therefore return thanks to a merciful God for Hiis manifest interposition in our favor, and for the success attendant upon our efforts to secure peace to the borders of our own state, and of our neighbors and friends in Dakota Territory. And as we proceed on our march toward those most near and dear to us, let us be prepared to discharge other du
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Page 335 THE BATTLES ON THE MISSOURI. ties which may be imposed upon us during our journey with cheerful and willing hearts. "To the regimental and company officers of the command the brigadier general commanding tenders his warmest thanks for their co-operation and aid, on every occasion, during the passage of the column through the heart of an unknown region inhabited by a subtle and merciless foe. To the friends and families of our fallen comrades, we have our warmest sympathies to offer in their bereavement. ct General Sibley takes this occasion to express his appreciation of the activity and zeal displayed by the members of his staff, one and all. "By command of Brigadier General SIBLEY."* "The point on the Missouri reached by General Sibley was in latitude 46~ 42', longitude 100~ 35', about forty miles by land below Fort Clarke. The distance from Fort Snelling, by the line of march, was made by Colonel Crooks to be 585 miles."t "The entire list of casualties up to July 31st was as follows: * Henry H. Sibley was born at Detroit in 1812. In 1834 he commenced his residence at Mendota, at the mouth of the Minnesota River, as an employe of the American Fur Company, where he has ever since resided. He was the first delegate to Congress from the Territory of Minnesota, and the first governor of the state. In person he is tall, portly, and commanding. His attention to whatever he undertakes is systematic and unwearied, and his reputation for honesty and courage unquestioned. Captain Olin acted as his adjutant general during the campaign of 1863. That position was filled in 1862, after Colonel Fowler's resignation, by Major Joseph R. Brown, long a resident in the Indian country, and whose invaluable advice, together with that of Messrs. Riggs and Forbes, General Sibley frequently availed himself of. t Pioneer and Democrat. 335
Page 336 336 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. " Killed.-Dr. Weiser, of Shakopee, surgeon to the Mounted Rangers; F. J. Holt Beever, aid to General Sibley, with rank of lieutenant.; Lieutenant Freeman, of the Mounted Rangers; G. A. Stark, of St. Peter's, of the Rangers; John Murphy, of Waseca, of the Rangers-killed by lightning; John Platt, of Fillmore County, Company L, Mounted Rangers; Nicholas Miller, of the 6th regiment. -Wounded.-Andrew Moar, of Fillmore County, of the Mounted Rangers; Corporal William B. Hezlep, Company B, 1st Minnesota Mounted Rangers; Sergeant James R. Grady, Company L, 1st Minnesota Mounted Rangers."* * St. Paul Press.
Page 337 THE FUTURE. CHAPTER XXII. THE FUTURE. THE hostilities of the Sioux have not yet ended. The Yanktonais and Tetons have suffered but little, and their warriors are numerous and by no means cowed. Neither tribe ever entered into treaties with the government, and are not dependent upon it for support. The Tetons cherish a deadly hatred toward the whites for the massacre of their families several years ago by General Harney's forces, and the Yanktonais have been threatening hostilities ever since the treaties of 1851 and 1852 for the land in Minnesota, in which they rightfully claimed an interest, and for which they received no compensation. The recent battles in which they were engaged will but inflame their resentment, and we shall have, unless vigorous measures are taken against it, a lengthy continuation of the desolating war upon the frontier. Most of the tribes beyond these are seriously disaffected, and loud in their complaints against the government, as the report made last year to Congress upon Indian Affairs will show. Some of them have been actually engaged in hostilities, and their natural desire for war may induce them to join the others. Pontiac's war lasted six, and the Seminole war seven years. In the spring another expedition should be fitted out to inflict farther chastisement upon all wrong-doers, and enforce security. In the mean time the frontier should be carefully P 337
Page 338 338 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. guarded with a large force. The Mounted Rangers, whose term of service will soon expire, should be induced to re-enlist, and Major Hatch's* battalion should be increased to a regiment. These are necessary for patrol duty and the speedy relief of any post which might suddenly be attacked, and more especially for the hunting down of small parties of murderers, who, by the celerity and secrecy of their movements, evade the pursuit of infantry. There is another nation of Indians who are to be feared more than those who are engaged in open war, because the government is not aware of the danger which exists, and are taking no precautions against it. That nation is the Chippeway. They extend from Dakota to the St. Lawrence. The number of their warriors in the United States alone is fully four thousand, and there are nearly as many more in the British Possessions. The Sioux war has already cost the country over ten millions of dollars, and will cost many millions more before its completion. The scene of military operations against them is a prairie country, where the hiding-places are few and pursuit easy. What will be the expenses of a conflict with the Chippeways, who are mostly located in a wilderness filled with lakes, swamps, and thickets? Ninety thousand square miles of such territory, closely bordered by settlements of the whites, is included in their possessions in Wisconsin and Minnesota.t * Major Hatch has lived among the Indians many years, and is thoroughly acquainted with their mode of warfare. Fearless, indefatigable, and vigilant, no better commander could be selected. t The Seminoles, to whose seven years' war one with the Chippe
Page 339 THE FUTURE. This formidable foe, at least so far as the latter states are concerned, are as dissatisfied as the Sioux, from similar causes, and their grievances have been of as long standing. They have often importuned for redress, but in vain. In the spring preceding the Sioux massacre, IHole-in-the-Day visited Washington to expose their grievances; but an audience was so long delayed by those in authority that he returned in disgust, and advised a junction with the Sioux. This was prevented by their hereditary enmity toward the latter, and the interposition and promises of the Hon. Henry M. Rice, and other whites who had influence with them, and by a solemn treaty that their wrongs should be inquired into by commissioners (who were then appointed) and forthwith redressed. Over a year has elapsed, and no such examination or redress has been authorized by the government. Last winter a number of the chiefs were taken to Washington, and there, in the absence of their braves and head men, a treaty was agreed to for the cession of a part of their lands. The chiefs passed through St. Paul on their return, and were then in a state of beastly intoxication. The Indians were dissatisfied with their action, and put one of them to death. ways has been likened, were able to bring into the field only 1910 warriors, of whom 250 were their negro slaves, and occupied only 47,000 square miles of territory. The United States sent against them more than 20,000 men, and paid $20,000,000 to militia and volunteers, or to compensate losses incurred by citizens, exclusive of the expenditures pertaining to the regular army. Blood-hounds were used to hunt them down; a reward of $200 was given for every Indian killed; 750 Creek Indians were employed to assist the whites; the best generals in the service were placed in command, including General Scott; and yet the United States had to abandon the attempt to remove all the Seminoles from the country, and were forced at last to make a treaty with them. 339
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Page 340 340 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. The very fact of a treaty being made at Washington and not at home is ominous of danger. Recollect the treaties of 1858, which were there made with the Sioux chiefs. From that time they lost all influence with their young men, who believed they had been bribed with presents. The magazine of combustibles which have been accumulating for years is rapidly approaching repletion, and the spark of fire will not be wanting. The Sioux war, when the minds of the people were in such a condition, grew out of the breaking of a few hens' eggs. What shall be done? 1. Place an adequate force for security upon every reservation, and keep it there. Men can easily be induced to volunteer for such service. It will be cheaper than afterward to'employ ten times the number of experienced troops, who are needed elsewhere, after hundreds of people are massacred'and their property destroyed. 2. Let the commissioners, who were appointed in good faith by the Indians and the state authorities, with the concurrence of Commissioner Doll, of the Indian Department, for the adjustment of grievances, be empowered to proceed, and let ample reparation be made. 3. Pay the Indians henceforth their dues in full. If robberies are committed by Indians, deduct the value of the article stolen from the annuity due the culprit, and not from the general fund of all, and let this not be done on an ex-parte statement, but after a full examination, in which the accused shall have an opportunity to be heard.
Page 341 THE FUTURE. 4. Let the stipulations of the treaties for farming implements, seeds, goods, etc., be fully carried out. These three last recommendations have been guaranteed to the Indians by solemn treaty. 5. Remove the traders from the reservations, and let the government furnish the Indians with goods; also prohibit all traffic on credit between the whites and Indians by making the contract void. The traders now engaged in the. business should be fully remunerated for the loss they will incur, as they embarked in the trade in good faith. 6. Justice and humanity require that, as we have deprived the Indian of his occupation of hunting and the indulgence of the wild habits of centuries we should make a genuine attempt to have him adapt himself to his altered condition. Such an attempt has never yet been mnade, although the treaties contemplate it, and the officials pretend it has been done. A proper code of laws and policy, having in view this end, should be adopted, and their administration intrusted to the state government, which should also be made the medium for the disbursement of the goods, etc., due under the treaties. The federal government is never awakened to the corruption, inefficiency, and want of knowledge which pervades the Indian Department until some awful catastrophe shocks the public heart, and then it quickly relapses again into its accustomed lethargy. I recently saw in the Herald an editorial note that serious charges against the department had been handed in for publication, but that the public were too much occupied with more important matters to justify any notice of them. Let the officer intrusted with the administration of 341
Page 342 342 THE SIOUX WAR AND MASSACRE. Indian affairs be responsible to a people whose lives and fortunes are dependent upon the performance of his duties, and whose situation is such as to enable them to know when he does perform them, and we shall have fewer massacres and less sins to answer for as a nation. Penn treated the Indians honestly and fairly, and for nearly a century the history of the commonwealth which he founded was unstained by the bloody records of barbarities which characterize the annals of the other states. The Chippeways are less warlike than the Sioux, and having been accustomed to live more upon fish, and upon wild rice and corn, than upon the products of the chase, will be the more easily induced to adopt the habit of cultivating the soil; and much of their land is of such a nature as not to be speedily needed by the whites. If the government will take prompt and proper action in the premises, "out of the nettle danger we may pluck the flower safety." The tide of travel which was setting across the continent for the distant Pacific, so suddenly checked, will flow on again with redoubled volume-the buffalo, who has come far within the former bounds of civilization, speed away-the scarred and devastated fields wave once more with the bounteous harvest-the blighted homestead rear its peaceful walls, clad with clambering vines, and vocal with the songs of happy childhood; and the " North Star State," the state of lakes, and streams, and bounteous lands, and healthful, invigorating air, and steel-blue skies, become in the future, as it has been in the past, the resort of the emigrant from every clime.
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Post by denney on Aug 1, 2006 22:01:44 GMT -5
Page 343 APPENDIX. As confirmatory of some of the statements and views contained in the foregoing pages, I append the following Missionary Paper issued by the "Bishop Seabury Mission" of Minnesota in January, 1863. AN APPEAL FOR THE RED MAN. BY BISHOP WHIPPLE, OF MINNESOTA. There are times when the Christian laborer has the right to ask for the sympathy, the prayers, and the co-operation of all good men; for this reason I ask the calm attention of my fellow-citizens to an appeal in behalf of one of the most wretched races of heathen men on the earth. I do not make this plea simply for a heathen race —I plead for every interest which is dear to my heart. The fair fame of the state, the blessing of God upon the nation, the protection of peaceful citizens from savage violence, the welfare of our children, and the prosperity of the Church of Christ, are bound up in our settlement of this Indian question. It is too late to shrink from responsibility. The fearful issues are upon us, and as we settle them justly or unjustly, we shall receive the blessing or the curse of Almighty God. It is not a pleasant task to make an appeal where excited public feeling may arouse unkind suspicions and unjust accusations. Few men love more than myself the approval of their fellow-citizens, and none desire more the affection of those among whom they labor. I dare not be silent; I fear less the reproaches of the people than the anger of God. The nation has heard of the most fearful Indian massacre in history; but those who live remote from the border can have no idea of the awful horrors which have accompanied the desolation of two hundred miles of the fairest country on the earth. Many of these victims of savage ferocity were my friends. They had mingled their voices with mine in prayer; they had given to me such hospitality as can only be found in the log cabin of the frontier. It fills my heart with grief, and blinds my eyes with tears, whenever I think of their
Page 344 APPENDIX. nameless graves. It is because I love them, and would save others from their fate, that I ask that the people shall lay the blame of this great crime where it belongs, and rise up with one voice to demand the reform of an atrocious Indian system, which has always garnered for us the same fruit of anguish and blood. There is not a man in America who ever gave an hour's calm reflection to this subject who does not know that our Indian system is an organized system of robbery, and has been for years a disgrace to the nation. It has left savage men without governmental control; it has looked on unconcerned at every crime against the law of God and man; it has fostered savage life by wasting thousands of dollars in the purchase of paint, beads, scalping-knives, and tomahawks;* it has fostered a system of trade which robbed the thrifty and virtuous to pay the debts of the indolent and vicious; it has squandered the funds for civilization and schools; it has connived at theft; it has winked at murder; and at last, after dragging the savage down to a brutishness unknown to his fathers, it has brought a harvest of blood to our own door. It was under this Indian system that the fierce, warlike Sioux were fitted and trained to be the actors in this bloody drama; and the same causes are to-day slowly but surely preparing the way for a Chippeway war. There is not to-day an old citizen of Minnesota who will not shrug his shoulders as he speaks of the dishonesty which accompanied the purchase of the lands of the Sioux. It left in savage minds a deep sense of injustice. There followed ten years of savage life, unchecked by law, and uninfluenced by good example. They were taught by white men that lying was no disgrace, adultery no sin, and theft no crime. Their hunting-grounds were gone; the onward march of civilization crowded them on every side. Their only possible hope of being saved from starvation was the fidelity with which a great nation fulfilled its plighted faith, which before God and man it had pledged to its heathen wards. The people here on the border, and the rulers at Washington, know how that faith has been broken. The constant irritations of such a system would in time have secured an Indian massacre. It was hastened and precipitated by the sale of nearly 800,000 acres of land, for which they never received one farthing, for it was all absorbed in claims. Then came the story (and it was true) that half of their annuity money had also been taken * In the advertisement for Indian supplies during the autumn of the Sioux massacre were 100 doz. scalping-knives, 600 lbs. of beads, 100 doz. butcher-knives, 150 lbs. of paint. 344
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